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Macdonald G, Livingstone N, Hanratty J, et al. The effectiveness, acceptability and cost-effectiveness of psychosocial interventions for maltreated children and adolescents: an evidence synthesis. Southampton (UK): NIHR Journals Library; 2016 Sep. (Health Technology Assessment, No. 20.69.)
The effectiveness, acceptability and cost-effectiveness of psychosocial interventions for maltreated children and adolescents: an evidence synthesis.
Show detailsIntroduction
In this chapter we present evidence on the acceptability of therapeutic interventions to maltreated children, their families and other carers. The chapter draws on three sources of evidence:
- data from studies that are designed to investigate factors associated with treatment engagement and dropout, and data from outcome studies that provide information on these issues, irrespective of study design
- data from qualitative studies designed to investigate the experiences of children and young people, their carers and service providers
- the views of members of our Young People’s Advisory Groups, and our PAG.
The issue of acceptability was addressed in a variety of ways in these included studies, and the heterogeneity in the methods of data collection used was further complicated by overall study quality. We used a systematic approach to reviewing the evidence about acceptability, first summarising the available data on treatment engagement and completion then summarising qualitative evidence on the views and experiences of children and young people, their carers and those providing the interventions. The available studies varied considerably in number, design and quality for each group of interventions (CBT, relationship-based, etc.), with the result that sometimes there is only a very thin evidence base, sometimes the evidence is largely sourced from carers or service providers and sometimes there are data from a range of sources.
We consider some of the key issues in defining acceptability, particularly in relation to quantitative data on engagement and dropout. We then consider the information on acceptability in relation to studies of particular interventions and groups of interventions. We present the views of children and young people about what they want from professionals, and examine the synergies, discrepancies and gaps in the findings from the published literature. On the basis of the evidence as a whole, we identify some of the key messages which, we believe, raise some important issues about the acceptability of service provision to this group of young people, and which are relevant to the development of effective and cost-effective service provision.
Overview of included studies
Please refer to Chapter 2 for details of the search strategy and approach taken to this area of the review. Seventy-three studies (see Table 12) were identified that addressed the issue of intervention acceptability. Thematic analysis of the qualitative data was conducted and discussed by members of the research team. Analysis of the data and identification of key themes was simultaneously deductive (based on key research questions for this review) and inductive (emerging from the reported data). Table 12 lists the studies, and provides an overview of the information available within each that relate to particular aspects of acceptability.
There is considerable difficulty making any meaningful comparisons across the different therapeutic approaches, given the diverse range of research methodologies and treatment modalities investigated. However, a brief summary of the nature and quality of the data (by intervention group) is presented in Appendix 13, and a more detailed description of each study is available in Appendix 14.
Defining acceptability
What makes a treatment acceptable? For cancer patients, treatment may be experienced as highly unpleasant, requiring major disruptions to daily life, and with evident adverse effects for the individual and their family. Nonetheless, the treatment may be considered acceptable if there are few alternatives. The ‘costs’ to the individual, and those close to them, may be outweighed by the anticipated benefits.
For maltreated children and their carers, the costs and benefits may seem very different. Children may initially present with no problems, either emotionally or behaviourally, rendering the apparent cost of pursuing or accepting services as unnecessary or unnecessarily high, especially if one of the ‘costs’ of therapy is reliving or retelling experiences that are deeply personal, distressing and often traumatic. Even when the need for therapy is evident, it may not be easy to persuade either the child or caregivers to accept help, or to continue accepting help until problems are sufficiently ameliorated, if not resolved.
Possibly one of the most significant issues is that acceptability is rarely considered from the standpoint of the child or young person. Most of the quantitative studies examining engagement with treatment do so in relation to child or caregiver characteristics (e.g. maltreatment type, behaviour, age or mental health) but rarely from the perspective of the child. Among the qualitative studies, most examine issues from the perspectives of children’s caregivers.
What young people said
At the outset of this study, our consultations with young people focused on three issues: the outcomes they considered important from therapy; what they felt made it easier to ask for help, or easier to get it; and what they felt made it harder. We described the methodology in Chapter 2. The two groups with whom we consulted approached the Q-sort task (used to facilitate discussion) in rather different ways, but all took it very seriously (see Appendix 15).
Outcomes that matter
In relation to the outcomes they felt were important for maltreated children, one of the two groups felt that 18 of the 25 outcomes listed on the Q-sort cards were too specific to particular problems (such as anger or eating disorder) and would entail inappropriate generalisations, so they removed them. In this group, this left only seven outcomes to discuss, to which the young people themselves added an eighth. Despite differences in approach, there were clear similarities in the views of both groups. The items ranked most highly across the two groups were as follows:
Helping the person to:
- learn skills to handle life’s ups and downs (group 1)
- understand what being ‘treated badly’ is, and learning to recognise when things are not OK (group 2)
- learn ways to keep themselves safe (e.g. knowing when to report something and to whom to report it) (group 2)
- feel safe (groups 1 and 2)
- ‘bounce back’ if things in their life go wrong (groups 1 and 2).
Asking for, and receiving, help
The young people also viewed individuality as central to understanding what things might be important in making it easier for someone to ask for help, or might make some forms of help more acceptable than others. For example, two of the cards in the Q-sort were ‘person was still living with their family’ and ‘the person was no longer living with their family’. The young people pointed out, quite appropriately, that it was not easy to rank these cards one against the other because their importance would depend on whether the young person had experienced maltreatment within the family or outside it. One of the things that they emphasised in their discussions was the importance of choice, both in relation to starting and ending a service or therapy. Young people in one of the groups were unanimous in the view that the most important factor for a young person was the opportunity to meet a professional beforehand and to decide whether or not they would be happy to begin getting help from them. Furthermore, the group wanted the format of this preliminary meeting to be determined by the young person themselves, because some might want an opportunity to meet a potential therapist informally (e.g. meeting for a cup of coffee) without any mention of the therapy, whereas others might prefer a formal discussion of what to expect from the intervention. Clearly these alternatives are not mutually exclusive, but reflect different concerns. The opportunity to meet someone informally speaks to a concern about the likely quality of the therapeutic relationship. It may also be a proxy for choice and commitment, both of which may increase the likelihood of someone engaging with therapy, or staying with a course of treatment. A formal discussion of expectations can provide an opportunity to allay anxieties, to negotiate boundaries and to make an informed decision about the acceptability of what the therapist is offering.
Other things that mattered to young people included confidentiality (accessing help in ways that maintained their confidentiality) and trust in the help-giver. Making their own decisions about whether or not to get help, or at least being involved in that decision (rather than these decisions being taken by their parents or carers) was also ranked highly, along with not feeling judged or criticised – and, perhaps surprisingly, not having to worry about paying for the service. Clearly, many of these issues are of most relevance to older children and young people, such as those in the advisory groups, but, in terms of engagement with therapeutic services, they are probably salient to children of most age groups.
Things that get in the way
One group found it particularly difficult to identify a single factor that they regarded as the most significant barrier to young people accessing therapy. This group identified two things that they thought might deter young people from seeking help. The first was a worry that their situation was too complicated for anyone to be able to help with, and the second was that some children might think that those offering help would not believe them. Other factors identified were as follows.
The person does not:
- want to be seen as having mental health problems (group 1)
- know who to ask about getting help (group 2)
- think they need any help (group 1)
- trust the people/services offering help (group 2)
- think that the help available will work for them (group 1).
This is a percipient list from these groups of young people. Children whose families have been engaged with social services for reasons of maltreatment, some of whom may have been removed from home as a consequence, may well have ambivalent feelings about public services. It is not unusual for children to feel responsible for a family break-up, and some are blamed by their parents for the involvement of Child Protection Services. Together, these point to the importance of services anticipating, and addressing, feelings of stigma and concerns about the likely effectiveness of services, and ensuring that those who need help know where and how to access it. The barriers that can be created by parents who prevent children from accessing services was also identified as an issue.
Most of these concerns or issues surface in the studies included in our acceptability review, although few have been systematically investigated. We return to these issues after following a review of the included studies.
Cognitive–behavioural interventions
Fourteen107,108,481,482,492,497,504–506,629–633,680 studies addressed issues relating to the acceptability of a range of cognitive/behavioural interventions. Details can be found in Table 13.
Description of studies
Study design
One107,108 of the included studies was a randomised trial. The rest were uncontrolled studies.
Sample sizes
Sample sizes varied. They included a single case629 and four497,504,506,680 studies with very small samples of six504,506,680 and 25.497 Five107,108,481,482,492,505 studies had samples numbering between 50 and 100, and four studies630–633 had samples of > 100. McPherson et al.633 recruited 254. Fraynt et al.632 had the largest sample of 562 children, but was a study based on data from a core data set in the USA.
Location
These were mostly US based (nine107,108,482,492,504,505,629–633 studies), with two Australasian studies (Australia,506 Philippines680), two European studies (UK,481 The Netherlands497) and one South African study.200
Participants
The age ranges of children varied from 2.5 years to 25 years. Six492,497,504,505,633,680 studies reported on interventions that were solely treating children for sexual abuse history. Kolko 1996107,108 focused solely on children who had been physically abused. The other studies recruited children with had experienced one or more types of maltreatment.
Interventions
Interventions covered individual, group- or family-based therapy. Lange and Ruwaard497 explored the impact and acceptability of a web-based version of cognitive/behavioural approaches with no face-to-face contact at all between therapist and client.
The number of sessions ranged from 8 to 34, with most interventions lasting 12 sessions (eight studies);107,108,481,492,497,504–506,632,680 three629,631,633 studies did not specify the length of treatment. Interventions in the two Chasson et al.482,630 studies comprised 20 sessions.
Fraynt et al.632 reported variable attendance rates which differed in relation to ethnicity, the focus of treatment (family treatment vs. no family treatment), group treatment compared with no group treatment, and location of treatment (office vs. community).
Characteristics of those who complete treatment
Pre-treatment withdrawal was the main focus of the study497 reported by Lange and Ruwaard.
Four482,630,631,633 studies focused on treatment compliance. Factors predicting treatment engagement were analysed in the Fraynt et al.632 study.
Pre-treatment withdrawal
Lange and Ruwaard497 set out to explore the effects of an online treatment for young victims of sexual abuse. In light of significant pre-treatment withdrawal in an earlier uncontrolled study, the authors introduced a number of measures that they hoped would reduce this in the context of a controlled (within-subject baseline-controlled) study. In common with other online treatment studies, the previous study had experienced a pre-treatment withdrawal rate of 90%.
In Lange and Ruwaard497 there remained a high level (77%) of pre-treatment withdrawal (82 out of 106 applicants not excluded by the research team), despite the steps taken to minimise it, namely no randomisation, parental consent required only for children of < 16 years rather than < 18 years (Dutch law for RCTs of new interventions), raising the upper age level for participants from 18 to 25 years, and providing the alternative of a structured interview by ‘chat’ if they were reticent to answer screening questions on the telephone.
Data available to the researchers indicated that pre-treatment withdrawal was strongly correlated with biographic questions, suggesting that anonymity may be an important factor, although whether for treatment or as an artefact of the study is not clear. The lowest pre-treatment withdrawal was among the oldest group, among which 46% (19/41) of those aged ≥ 18 years started treatment. All but one of the eight adolescents aged 14–15 years (and who required parental consent) withdrew, and 12 of the 16 young people aged 16–17 years withdrew (75%). Once engaged in treatment, there were few subsequent dropouts. The authors conclude that ‘fear of losing anonymity is important for both young and old participants, whereas the fear of needing parental consent is more or less decisive for younger age groups’497 (≤ 16 years). Once engaged in treatment, there were few subsequent dropouts.
These findings need to be interpreted against the context of a very small study. One of the recommendations of the authors is to change the intervention from a therapist-led online treatment to a wholly ‘self-help’ model, which may resolve the anxieties about loss of anonymity, while not dealing with some of the legal dilemmas associated with professional accountability and so on.
Treatment engagement
Fraynt et al.632 used regression analysis to investigate factors associated with treatment engagement in trauma-informed therapies. The paper632 includes no detailed description of the therapies offered these children, but the interventions they identify as trauma-informed interventions include TF-CBT, cognitive–behavioural intervention for trauma in schools, CPP, and EMDR therapy.
Although the study632 is set in the USA, its findings raise potentially important issues for the successful engagement of children and young people in therapy within the UK. Fraynt et al.632 found that age, functional impairment and the receipt of group and community-based (as opposed to office-based) services were correlated with increased engagement. Younger children who received more group sessions, and children who received services in places other than the office, were more likely to engage in treatment, as were children with more functional impairments, although children with more impairments were also more likely to be deemed by their therapist to have dropped out of treatment involuntarily.
When these things were controlled for, ethnicity remained a significant predictor of engagement, with Spanish-speaking Latino clients being most engaged in treatment (an average of 34 sessions) and African American clients being least engaged (an average of 25 sessions). The authors hypothesise that because of their language preference, Spanish-speaking Latinos may be more likely to get a therapist of the same cultural background to themselves, which may enhance treatment engagement compared with African American families. Furthermore, they hypothesise that the latter may be less engaged in treatment because they may mistrust or have had negative experiences of mental health treatment services (p. 72). These findings underline the importance of addressing language and culture in the context of mental health services. They also highlight the importance of ensuring that services communicate relevance and sensitivity to families from minority ethnic groups, and to all families who may have found engagement with Child Protection Services itself a traumatic experience, leaving them reluctant to seek help or engage with available treatment.
Treatment completion
Regression analyses were used in four482,630,631,633 studies to examine treatment completion. Caregivers’ perceptions of the severity of abuse appear to be a common theme relating to treatment completion. Chasson et al.482 reported that higher levels of depressive symptoms and feelings of intrusion during treatment were associated with dropout from TF-CBT. In a later study,630 in which they analysed data from the same group of children augmented with additional cases, the authors found that children who had been abused by another child (not by a parental/adult figure), or had experienced a single event and had not suffered a life-threatening or serious injury, were more likely to drop out than those children exposed to multiple, physical injurious abuse by an adult.
Eslinger et al.631 found that the odds of dropout were greater for children with younger parents. The authors also found a relationship between age and dropout, with the odds of dropout being greater for older children. Children in foster care were more likely to complete treatment than those living with biological or adoptive parents, although the authors augur some caution as the parents in this study were more likely to be younger than foster carers. When children’s and parents’ scores were high for PTSD (which the authors interpret as ‘acknowledgement’) then the odds of children completing at least a moderate ‘dose’ of treatment were improved. Children who were the only victim in the family were also more likely to complete at least a moderate dose if their caregivers were involved in the treatment process. McPherson et al.633 also found that caregiver involvement was positively associated with treatment completion and achievement of mental health treatment goals among a sample of sexually abused children who were referred to a hospital-based children’s centre that provided assessment and therapy. This issue of how seriously the abuse is viewed will be discussed in more detail.
Acceptability
Children’s views
Four107,108,492,497,506 studies used data from rating scales to quantify children’s satisfaction levels. Scores indicated moderate to high levels of satisfaction, both with therapists and with CBT interventions. When studies also reported caregiver ratings, children’s reported levels of satisfaction were lower than those of their parents.
Lange and Ruwaard497 asked participants about their satisfaction with treatment in general and also specific aspects of treatment. Their participants rated the therapeutic alliance, and were asked questions about the nature of the online contact, whether or not they missed face-to-face contact with their therapists, and how they perceived the effectiveness of treatment. Participants generally expressed satisfaction with their online treatment, and, although 22% did miss face-to-face contact, all were highly satisfied with their therapists, and all but 2 of the 23 said that they would recommend the treatment to others. Significantly, although all modules were well received, the module that focused on the exposure was most highly rated.
This study497 (which used baselines as a source of historical control) found a steep drop in scores on the IES279 during the control phase, which Lange and Ruwaard,497 attributed to an effect of screening (which asked questions that required participants to focus on their trauma and current situations). They hypothesise that, in combination with the psychoeducation and expectation of treatment, this might have resulted in increases of awareness and hope.
The studies by Smith and Kelly506 and Kolko107,108 used questionnaires to assess perceptions of treatment acceptability and treatment expectations. Four of the five participants in the Smith and Kelly study506 agreed that the programme was of high quality, it met their needs and they would recommend it to others. Children and parents in the study by Kolko107,108 were asked to rate the overall acceptability of the key components of the interventions allocated to them. At the end of treatment children completed the 10-item Child Evaluation Inventory (CEI301). Mean ratings suggested moderate to high acceptability of treatment at the outset of treatment, with all but one item scoring a mean rating of > 3 (out of 5). Ratings tended to be higher than those for FT in relation to participants interested in the material learned that session (4.6 vs. 3.8) and confidence that therapists could help minimise abuse potential (4.2 vs. 2.8).
The mean ratings for children’s responses on the CEI suggest moderate to high acceptability (25.1 for CBT, 22.6 for FT) and utility (15.1 for CBT, 14.0 for FT).
Barker and Place481 and San Diego680 report qualitative data on children’s and young people’s views of their treatment. Most of the children were generally positive about the experience, but Barker and Place481 described the children as having some difficulty in articulating what they found most and least useful about the therapy. The analyses of the progress of five young women through the course of therapy by San Diego680 illustrated the women’s reluctance at the start of treatment, initial loathing of re-experiencing trauma and being unsure that therapy would help, but becoming more positive as therapy progressed.
Caregivers’ views
Six107,108,481,492,504,505,629 studies reported caregivers’ views of treatment and provided both qualitative and quantitative data, using a range of data collection methods, from qualitative interviews to focus groups and evaluation forms. Details are provided in Table 13.
All used rating scales to collect data on satisfaction, and some on caregiver treatment expectancy. In five107,108,481,504,505,629 of these studies, parents were recruited by a convenience sample, as parents of children involved in treatment; it is unclear how the caregiver sample was selected in the Project Safe programme.492
Parents rated treatment satisfaction as ‘high’ in all studies that used treatment rating scales.107,108,492,504,505 The sample sizes in these studies varied from 6504 to 85.41 Some parents in the Barker and Place481 study felt that the CBT intervention had ended sooner than expected.
Two481,629 studies presented qualitative findings from interviews with parents and carers. Both studies481,629 reported positive experiences of the interventions, including a clear understanding of treatment aims and their expectations for the therapy, appreciating having someone neutral to whom their child could talk;481 Buschbacher’s single-case study629 found that the mother felt part of the therapeutic team that treated her son, although this study is particularly vulnerable to bias, as it was effectively (as its title indicates) a testimonial sought from a selected parent by a clinical team, one of whom conducted the interviews. The quantitative evidence presented supports the positive reports from the qualitative data.
In the Kolko107,108 study, parents were telephoned between the third and the first treatment sessions and asked to answer 10 questions using a five-point Likert scale (e.g. how much did the counsellor listen to you?, how much do you like your counsellor?). At the end of treatment they completed a 16-item consumer satisfaction questionnaire. Responses indicated high levels of acceptability with both treatments (53.8 for CBT, 50.9 for FT) and overall satisfaction (27.7 for CBT, 27.4 for FT).
Staff views
Qualitative evidence of staff views was also presented by Barker and Place481 and Buschbacher and Place,629 both of whom report positive findings. However, in both studies,481,629 staff expressed concerns about resource constraints, or strain, that was felt to threaten the viability of the service. The Sunrise Project481 relied on one worker, and staff referring children to the project worried about the security of this post, the overall lack of resources and the lack of potential to increase capacity. Concerns about capacity were also raised by Buschbacher.629
The importance of parents and caregivers in securing successful outcomes in therapy was generally recognised in all studies, and is a recurring theme that will be discussed in more detail.
Summary: acceptability of cognitive–behavioural therapy interventions
Cognitive–behavioural interventions appear to be broadly acceptable to both children and caregivers, but the studies reviewed raise some issues for consideration.
Trauma exposure (by a number of means) is a central component of most CBT interventions. Although its proponents would argue that this is a significant factor in its effectiveness, there is some evidence that this aspect of CBT might be correlated with treatment dropout, and it is clearly something that parents and caregivers are anxious about. It suggests that therapist should perhaps be more mindful of the potential impact of traumatic reactions to exposure and take steps to ensure that therapy does not impose more of a demand on children and young people than they can tolerate. A guiding principle of early desensitisation interventions was to ensure that no patient left a session without experiencing ‘coping’.
Although generally ‘one-study stories’, the evidence suggests that the location of therapy should perhaps receive more consideration than is usual. Most services are offered in clinics or hospitals, but it is possible that if services were to be offered in the home then this might be more acceptable to some children and families. The same study632 that found an advantage for community-based treatments among ethnically diverse, urban children in the USA also found that children who participated in group treatments were more likely to complete treatment. Groups may address some of the anxieties that children feel about engaging in therapy (although of course they may engender some of their own fears).
Most CBT interventions include an element of psychoeducation, and it is notable that Lange and Ruwaard497 reported a steep decrease in scores on the IES,279 which the authors attribute to an unplanned consequence of screening, which comprised a combination of exposure and learning about abuse and its consequences. As well as reinforcing the potential of online interventions, this finding suggests that engagement in treatment might be enhanced by investing time in explaining the treatment rationale to potential patients.
Although a modest study that highlights significant challenges with engagement, Lange and Ruwaard497 indicate the potential for developing web-based CBT interventions, at least for specific sequelae of sexual abuse. Given the role of these media in young people’s lives, this might be an important delivery mode for further consideration. However, it raises complex issues around confidentiality and anonymity, and the ethical obligations placed on therapists.
Relationship-based interventions
Eight510,511,515,634,635,656,662,663 studies were included that reported RBIs. One656 study described PCIT, and three510,511,635 studies were concerned with parent training interventions. Two515,663 studies were of attachment-based interventions. Although not strictly attachment-based interventions, we consider two634,662 other studies under this heading. Powell and Cheshire662 explored the benefits of massage by ‘non-offending’ parents for children who had been sexually abused; we include it in this group because it aims to improve bonding and communication. Cross et al.634 analysed data on study and intervention retention in a multisite evaluation of projects providing services to children exposed to violence, two-thirds of whom received interventions focused on dyadic therapy or FT.735
Attachment-based interventions
Details of these studies can been found in Table 14.
Description of studies
Location
The studies by Cross et al.634 and Osofsky et al.515 were set in the USA, whereas the studies by Sudbery et al.663 and Powell and Cheshire662 were undertaken in the UK.
Study designs
The four515,634,662,663 studies vary widely in design.
Cross et al.634 used data from a multiyear, multisite, national evaluation of 15 sites providing services to children exposed to violence. They examined retention at 6 months post baseline, using logistic regression to analyse the characteristics of those retained in treatment.
Osofsky et al.515 report on a multisite study of a pilot infant mental health programme. Interviews were used to obtain caregivers’ and therapists’ qualitative impressions of treatment.
The Sudbery et al.663 study is the only study of the three that presents children’s views of the intervention. As well as a focus group, semistructured interviews and survey methodology, case file analysis and organisational documentation were used, and two members of the research team were embedded within the organisation as participant observers.
The Powell and Cheshire662 study was a pilot evaluation that used qualitative methods.
Sample sizes
Pooling data from 15 sites, the sample in the Cross et al.634 study was 1085. Osofsky et al.515 recruited 75 mother–child dyads: 25 from each of three sites. The sample size in the Sudbury et al.663 study is difficult to ascertain, but the authors appear to have scrutinised the files of 113 children, conducted a focus group of eight young people and interviewed a further four. Powell and Cheshire662 conducted semistructured interviews with four mothers and one grandmother.
Participants
Cross et al.634 reported an age range of 1–17 years, with the majority of participants aged between 3 and 7 years. Children in the Osofsky et al.515 study were maltreated young children aged < 5 years, or young children at risk of maltreatment. Their mean age was 20.19 months (SD 10.91 months).
Sudbery et al.663 report on an older population with an age range of between 6 and 19 years, using purposive sampling to achieve a demographic mix of participants. Powell and Cheshire662 conducted interviews with four non-abusing mothers and a grandmother of children aged 5–18 years who had been sexually abused.
Interventions
Services in the Cross et al.634 study differed across sites but all provided therapy to children, caregivers or both. Eight of the 15 sites provided a form of CPP,129 often in addition to other services. Detailed information of the interventions is not reported but the reader is referred to other sources of information.
Osofsky et al.515 describe a model of intervention designed to identify families with children at risk and provide clinical evaluation and treatment, with a view to enhancing children’s development. The treatment provided was CPP.
Sudbery et al.663 were focused on the holding therapy techniques used in a therapeutic residential setting for children, all of whom had been assessed as experiencing disordered attachment, some with an attachment disorder diagnosis.
The MOSAC Massage Programme (MMP) aims to equip mothers with simple massage routines that will ‘enable them to relax and calm their child, reintroduce positive touch in a safe environment, enable bonding/rebuilding of the mother-child relationship and work towards replacing memories of touch as fearful, painful, and distressing with memories of touch as loving, nurturing, and trusting’.662
Characteristics of treatment completers
Cross et al.634 examined five different predictors of study retention: demographics; violence exposure; child mental health; caregiver demographics; and engagement in intervention. Using logistic regression, they found, as in other studies, that those with older caregivers and those reporting higher levels of maltreatment were more likely to be retained. Physical health also had a relationship with retention, with those who rated their health as ‘poor’ or ‘fair’ also being more likely to maintain treatment. However, this study634 did not set out to examine treatment retention and thus the methodology falls somewhat short of exploring the factors related to treatment completion comprehensively, including motivation to change.
Osofsky et al.515 reported that, of 129 child–caregiver pairs referred over 3 years, 75 were non-compliant from the outset or dropped out of treatment. Some families were court ordered and others were referred by child welfare or primary care providers. The authors observe that attrition is not surprising in samples in which substance abuse, parental mental illness or low functioning and homelessness are common. Of the 57 dyads that completed treatment, mother’s age at intake and maternal education (completed high school) were significantly correlated with treatment completion.
Acceptability
Children’s views
In the Sudbery et al.663 study, children reported feeling safer in this setting than they had done in previous placements (many had experienced multiple placements over a short period of time). The use of restraint was sometimes seen as important, to keep everyone safe. Some children found it difficult to develop secure attachments with staff. The data are, however, very limited. The sample is unlikely to be representative, and the study663 was poorly designed and executed, and fewer children participated than indicated interest in doing so.
Caregivers’ views
In the Osofsky et al.515 study, 45% of participants who completed treatment also completed a satisfaction survey, including one participant who did not comply with treatment and one who was still in treatment. On investigation, the only factor correlated with survey completion was programme site (site 1, 72%; site 2, 58%; and site 3, 28%). Parents were asked eight questions about the effectiveness of the programme and their satisfaction with the intervention. Those who responded were extremely positive. It is not made clear whether these questions were asked face to face or anonymously, which may have an impact on responses; it is also unclear whether or not those who did not complete the survey (56%) did not do so because of dissatisfaction with the programme. The differential completion across the three sites may also suggest variation in delivery.
Sudbery et al.663 briefly mention parents’ views of holding therapy as mixed, but no data are reported. Powell and Cheshire662 report that mothers were generally happy with the practical aspects of MMP. They appreciated the ground rules that were established for the group sessions that preceded massage and the safeguards taken to protect the vulnerability of participants, for example no clothes removed. One of the five carers felt that because her children were teenagers it was difficult to get them to 10 sessions (they did not want to spend time with their mother).
Staff views
Therapists involved in the infant mental health programme515 noted positive outcomes in both caregiver–child interactions and other treatment outcomes, for example assistance with the early identification of possible developmental delays and subsequent follow-up with primary care, and helping mothers to understand and establish support systems around them. An additional positive outcome that may be associated with the intervention was that no further reports of abuse or neglect were reported during treatment and up to post assessment, and there was a major reduction in reports during the first 3 years of the pilot. Although Sudbery et al.663 interviewed staff, this evidence is not presented in any detail in the paper.
Parent–child interaction therapy
Only one656 study addressed the acceptability of PCIT (Table 15).
Location
The study656 was conducted in the USA.
Study design and sample size
Timmer et al.656 used social exchange theory as a framework within which to examine foster parents’ perceptions of their foster children, their relationships with them and their own functioning, comparing the views of 102 kin and 157 non-kin foster carers. The rationale for the study656 was that such perceptions might impact on the investment that foster carers make in their foster children, all of whom had been referred to PCIT on account of their behaviour problems.
Participants
The children were aged 2–8 years (M = 4.37 years) and were victims of multiple maltreatment. The majority were male (64%), cared for by women (95%) and one-third were Caucasian.
Intervention
The study656 report contains no detailed description of the intervention, but provides a brief outline of standard PCIT, that is, a two-phase therapy that begins with a focus on enhancing the parent–child relationships (CDirI) followed by a focus on enhancing child compliance (PDI). Both phases (which each last around 7–10 sessions) begin with a didactic component followed by therapist coaching, conducted by a ‘bug in the ear’ from a separate observation room.
Characteristics of treatment completers
Treatment completion and withdrawal metrics were reported. Dyads were considered to have completed treatment if they had mastered the relationship enhancement element of the programme, and could demonstrate sustained child’s compliance to commands and successful discipline approaches. If dyads did not attend treatment after the initial session, or if a parent chose to terminate therapy before the treatment goals had been met, then these were considered as early terminators. The average number of treatment sessions to treatment completion was 13.6 (SD 7.4). The average number of coaching sessions for dyads terminating early was 7.1 (SD 6.7). There were few demographic differences between the kin and non-kin carer groups.
Kin foster carers were significantly more likely to complete treatment than non-kin carers: 54.9% of kin carers completed treatment, compared with 36.9% non-kin carers completed [χ2(1, n = 259) = 8.09; p < 0.01].
Of the 145 foster carers who terminated treatment early, approximately two-thirds of kin and non-kin carers left treatment during phase 1 (CDirI). Of the rest, around half terminated treatment during the second phase (parent directed) and half never started. Of the early terminations, 40% were as a result of Child Welfare Services moving the child to a pre-adoptive home (more likely to happen in non-kin care settings). Some 43% were initiated by caregivers. In almost 28% of cases termination was triggered by the therapist and an 11% early treatment termination was categorised as ended by ‘other’ (not specified).
The results of binary logistic regressions suggest that kin caregivers with clinical levels of parental distress were more likely to stay in treatment than non-kin foster carers or kin caregivers scoring in the normal range on this indicator, although this effect was only marginally significant (p < 0.06). From their analyses the authors conclude that ‘parental distress’ explains some of the differences in overall attrition between kin and non-kin caregivers, and hypothesise that kin caregivers’ distress reflects their frustration and helplessness in the face of their foster children’s behavioural challenges and may motivate them to seek and continue with treatment.
Given that this was a study of foster parents, the authors note their concern about the relationship between elevated scores on the CAPI and early termination. If so, then this is yet another study that suggests that those who need help most are those who are least likely to access help or complete treatment. Similarly, those foster parents who avoided completing the Parenting Stress Index (PSI) were also more likely to leave treatment early, perhaps because they interpreted this as a measure of their mental health rather than that of their child, and therefore as a threat.
Parent training interventions
Three510,511,635 studies presented data for parent training interventions. Details are shown in Table 16.
Study design
The study by Ducharme et al.510 was a multiple baseline study of the effects of an intervention to help parents manage oppositional behaviour. The Golding and Picken511 study was a qualitative evaluation of two forms of group work. The Taban and Lutzker635 study was a study of parental satisfaction and acceptability of a parent training programme, exploring parental preference for different models of training.
Sample sizes
Sample sizes were small, with just 15 children from nine families in the Ducharme et al.510 study and 44 children and 41 carers in the Golding and Picken511 study. In the study by Taban and Lutzker635 data were collected from the 31 parents provided with parent training in Project SafeCare.
Participants
Children in the Taban and Lutzker635 study ranged in age from birth to 5 years old (M = 4.9 years). The studies by Ducharme et al.510 and Golding and Picken511 examined an older population aged between 3 and 12 years, and the foster carers in the Golding and Picken511 study were caring for school-aged children.
Participants in the Taban and Lutzker635 study were drawn mainly from the Latino population (68%). Golding and Picken511 suggest that the children fostered by their participants were white British (like the carers). No information is provided by Ducharme et al.510
Children had been victims of physical abuse and witnessed domestic violence in the Ducharme et al.510 study, and victims of physical abuse and neglect in the Golding and Picken511 study. Eighty per cent of those who received the parent interaction training in Taban and Lutzker635 were from a sample of maltreated children referred by the Department of Child and Family Services.
Intervention
Golding and Picken’s511 study compared two parent training interventions for foster carers. The first was based around the IY programme, with an additional psychoeducational component. This was compared with an intervention designed to develop emotional understanding and give skills in providing empathetic discipline, entitled Fostering Attachments. The IY intervention was delivered in 2-hour sessions over 9 weeks. Fostering Attachments was delivered in monthly, 2-hour sessions over an 18-month period.
In the Ducharme et al.510 study, parents were taught ‘errorless compliance training’ in a five-session group format. Errorless compliance training is designed to improve children’s compliance while minimising non-compliance and associated risks of confrontation. The study510 reported generalised improvements in compliance that were maintained at 6 months’ follow-up.
Project SafeCare was a 15-session programme that targeted home safety, infant and child health care, bonding and stimulation, and which included a parent–child interaction training component that was offered to those parents who needed it.635
Characteristics of treatment completers
Only Ducharme et al.510 addressed the issue of treatment completion. However, in this small study510 the focus was on attrition, which in this study was significant: 13 children out of 28 children failed to complete treatment. Reasons for attrition were attributed to severe stressors for the child, including child apprehension, commitment to psychiatric unit and suicide ideation. In one case, the father refused treatment.
Acceptability
All three510,511,635 studies used a parent satisfaction questionnaire, which we have used as an indicator of acceptability. The views of children were not reported in any of the studies. Golding and Picken511 concede that limited evaluation was built in to the research design because it was not a formal research study.
Caregivers’ views
Using a five-point rating scale, mothers in the Ducharme et al.510 study indicated a high degree of satisfaction with the intervention and therapist, and rated their children as being significantly more co-operative after treatment. However, as indicated above, almost half of the original sample did not complete treatment. Foster parents receiving the IY parent training intervention were more satisfied than those having the Fostering Attachments intervention in the study by Golding and Picken,511 with 84% saying that they found the programme to be very helpful, compared with 60% in the fostering attachment group. Only half of each intervention group stated that they had some increase in their understanding and confidence.
Participants in the study by Taban and Lutzker635 also reported positive feedback; parents reported high levels of satisfaction and training procedures and also rated staff highly. There are some limitations using these non-standardised measures.
Staff views
Group facilitator feedback was described by Golding and Picken511 Facilitators stated that attendance had been good, with a high degree of participation. They emphasised the importance of trainers having a sound understanding of the needs of looked-after children. Many of the foster carers in the Fostering Attachments group spoke about their own histories of abuse and neglect, probably because of the focus of the intervention and the duration (over 18 months), and this also required skilful handling.
Summary: acceptability of relationship-based interventions
There is a surprising lack of evidence about the acceptability of RBIs. The one515 study that specifically explored treatment dropout and failure to engage with an attachment-orientated treatment found that mothers who had completed high school were most likely to complete treatment. The authors also estimate that every hour of treatment required around 10 hours of ‘engagement’ effort, including ‘frequent telephone calls, home visits, child care visits, and other efforts to build a trusting relationships with the parent’.515 They note that ‘cooperation, collaboration, and communication with foster care workers was essential, both to retain parents and children in the program and help with engagement activities’515 (p.18). Notwithstanding these efforts, 72 of the 129 child–caregiver dyads referred to the programme being evaluated, refused to engage or dropped out of treatment. These dyads were either referred from child welfare/primary care providers or were court ordered to attend. This is of some concern: the typical profile of children for whom a child protection plan is in place in the UK.
One issue of concern identified by Timmer et al.656 (not for the first time) is that kin foster carers lack much-needed support in managing the challenging behaviour of the children whom they are fostering.
The parent training interventions in the included studies were generally welcomed by parents/caregivers, with the exception of the Ducharme et al.510 study. Here, although attrition was significant, it was attributable to events outside the intervention, such as the child’s admission to a psychiatric unit. One father refused treatment and, although it would be a mistake to generalise from this study,510 it is the case that few studies of interventions even mention the involvement of fathers.
Systemic interventions
Five526,533,621,673,678 very different studies addressed issues of the acceptability of systemic interventions. Details of these studies can be found in Table 17.
Description of studies
Study design
The five526,533,621,673,678 studies examined family or multisystemic therapies. The Conran and Love621 study was a case study, the Costa et al.678 study was an action research project, and the studies by Danielson et al.526 Tjersland et al.673 and Woodworth533 were uncontrolled studies (see Table 17).
Sample sizes
The FT/MST interventions all had small sample sizes, ranging from a single case621 or samples of just eight678 and 10 families.526 The sample of Woodworth533 comprised 22 families completing treatment; Tjersland et al.673 had the largest sample of 31 families.
Location
The studies by Conran and Love,621 Danielson et al.526 and Woodworth533 were US based, whereas the Costa et al.678 study was set in Brazil and the Tjersland et al.673 study was conducted in Norway.
Participants
Interventions in all five526,533,621,673,678 studies were directed at victims of sexual abuse. Danielson et al.’s526 sample had comorbid substance misuse. Woodworth et al.’s programme533 was for victims of incest. Participants in the Tjersland et al.673 study were referred by agencies concerned that a child aged < 18 years was being sexually abused by a family member. Participants in the Costa et al.678 study were extremely socially excluded, drawn from a population of settlement/dump dwellers with a high level of mobility.
Only Danielson et al.526 reported the age of participants (mean 15.0 years, SD 1.7 years).
Intervention
Conran and Love621 did not provide any information about the FT intervention provided in the single case. Costa et al.678 briefly describes a Multifamilial Group Therapy intervention and Danielson et al.526 reported on RRFT, which was a combination of individual therapy and FT. RRFT was delivered by a university-based clinic and consisted of weekly 60–90 sessions over 14–34 weeks (M = 24 weeks, SD 8.0 weeks); participants were recruited through the university-based urban clinic, which specialises in adult/child trauma. The FT for suspected familial sexual abuse673 was delivered by one therapist, with a second therapist observing and reflecting on every session. It was anticipated that each family would be at crisis point at the start of treatment and this informed the development of the programme: narrative therapy techniques and relationship-building were used and could include confronting alleged perpetrators. The Multiple Family Incest Treatment Program533 provided support and therapy for all family members and included sibling support as one of its priorities, a group that they found particularly hard to reach.
Acceptability
Children’s views
Conran 1993621 reports qualitative findings from a transcribed interview with the single female participant. Although not feeling forced to talk to the therapist, she said she found the two-way mirror uncomfortable at the start of treatment, but got used to it once treatment was established. She preferred IT and was ambivalent about group therapy. She also suggested that the therapist should take a more ‘child-like’ approach, by introducing games, jokes or tricks to engage the young person.
Costa et al.678 describe young people’s feelings of shame, anxiety, fear and pain and sadness; group therapy with other children with shared experience made it easier for the young people to talk about their problems.
The study by Danielson et al.526 was the only one to report results from a treatment satisfaction measure. Out of a total of 10 participants, nine completed ratings on the perceptions of the usefulness of treatment components: psychoeducation; coping/family communication; substance abuse; PTSD; healthy dating/sexual decision-making; and sexual revictimisation risk reduction. Each domain was rated positively. A total of 90% of participants completed all seven sessions; one participant ended treatment after five sessions.
Tjersland et al.673 collected data through observations from therapist sessions and follow-up interviews with children, mothers and alleged perpetrators of sexual abuse. In most cases, the abuse had not been substantiated at that time, and the majority of children were reluctant to discuss the abuse at follow-up interview. The reasons given for this reluctance included the following: they had been threatened by the abuser; they were afraid of upsetting their mother; and they feared not being believed. The majority of children displaying symptoms at the start of treatment had made progress by the end. Children expressed generally positive comments, and therapy observations reported positive exchanges between child and therapist.
Data were collected using interviews with 13 incest victims, 12 offenders and two siblings in the Woodworth533 study. Overall, three-quarters of victims found the group therapy to be helpful. The most commonly appreciated aspect of the groups was mutual support and the support provided by the counsellors. Two clients complained that counsellors left too soon. This may have been as a result of the use of interns to provide therapy (with shorter tenure), resulting in a negative impact on children who had formed bonds with them. Out of the 26 siblings, only three agreed to participate in the therapy. Reasons given for this 88% refusal rate were that mothers often refuse on behalf of non-victim children or that siblings were less convinced that therapy had benefits for them.
Caregivers’ views
Parents in the study by Costa et al.678 described how they felt their families were unprotected and vulnerable to further violence. Some expressed fears for their child’s future sexuality, including concern that the sexual abuse would negatively impact on the child’s sexuality (homosexuality) and how they might interact physically (i.e. sexually) with other children. The mothers in this action research study valued the group therapy with other families because it created an opportunity for them to talk to other women with similar experiences, but there was some criticism that treatment ended prematurely. Financial constraints impacted adversely on parents’ access to support – for most of the families the male perpetrator (and primary earner) had been removed from the home.
Tjersland et al.673 reported the conflicting interests expressed by participant mothers about treatment: they wanted help for their child but were concerned about revisiting the abuse by getting their child to talk about it. Concern for the alleged perpetrator was also observed: fear of criminal prosecution or negative reactions to the allegations; this was particularly relevant if an immediate family member (husband or son) had been implicated in the abuse. Some mothers felt vulnerable to being perceived negatively by the therapist because of their implicit role in the abuse, or acting in an over-protective way. In client satisfaction ratings, mothers were generally very contented with the treatment. In the Woodworth533 study, 83% of mothers found the group therapy to be helpful but they also favoured more direct confrontation with perpetrators and smaller group work.
Mothers were generally satisfied with the therapy received in the study by Woodworth 1991,533 with 83% feeling that it had helped them personally. Three-quarters of respondents in this study533 considered that the multiple-family group (several families meeting together for therapy) had been helpful. Comments indicated that some respondents thought that the group needed more guidance from the facilitators, and that offenders should have been confronted more, and some thought that the group was too large.
Staff views
Staff involved in the Costa et al.678 study recognised the limitations of the intervention in providing protection to vulnerable young people living in a potentially dangerous environment. They stressed the need for a wider network of support for these socially excluded families, ranging from the extended family of parents, grandparents to the social institutions responsible for their care and supervision during the investigation of child abuse. The process of dealing with criminal justice system can be humiliating and may have implications for the wider family network, by witnessing ongoing contact with the police, hospital staff, forensic teams and court officials.
Alleged perpetrators
Alleged perpetrators in the Tjersland et al.673 study were confronted about the abuse during treatment, one-third of whom were unaware of the suspicions prior to therapy starting. Reactions to the allegations presented elicited three different kinds of response: confirmation of the abuse; abuse was denied and the alleged perpetrator withdrew from the mother and child; and abuse was denied but the alleged perpetrator tried to maintain contact with the family. Six of the alleged perpetrators rated the treatment positively, and valued the objective role of the therapist. Those who were critical of the therapy (n = 2, an additional n = 2 were both contented and discontented) were unhappy that they had not been involved from the start and felt that the therapists had formed a coalition with the mother. At the end of treatment, conflicts associated with the question of abuse had been clearly reduced in 20 cases; three families were still facing significant conflict, with two cases brought to court.
In the Woodworth533 study, the offenders were by far the most positive in their satisfaction with the programme, with 88% saying that they were ‘strongly satisfied’ and 83% describing the therapy as ‘very helpful’ to them personally.
Summary: acceptability of systemic interventions
The heterogeneity of these five526,533,621,673,678 studies makes it very difficult draw out clear messages. Generally, participants appear to find these interventions acceptable, with the exception of a high refusal rate amongst siblings in the intervention studied by Woodworth.533 This was a multiple family incest treatment programme and it is perhaps unsurprising that siblings who had not experienced maltreatment would be unenthusiastic at participating in an intervention that exposed their family difficulties to strangers. Participants in the Tjersland et al.673 study reinforced the concerns of young people in the advisory group of this study673 about the potential adverse consequences of disclosing or sharing their experiences. Mothers in this study673 were also apprehensive about the negative consequences of therapy: they wanted help for their child but did not want them retraumatised, and they were worried about the consequences for family members when these were implicated in abuse. The potential value of group work for children is evident in several of these studies.
Psychoeducation
Four161,538,658,664 studies considered issues relevant to the acceptability of psychoeducation interventions. See Table 18.
Description of studies
Study design
The study by Hyde et al.538 was related to a randomised trial.169 Although the carers in the Rushton and Miles664 study were not randomised, the study was part of a trial in which the sexually abused adolescent girls for whom they cared were randomised, and the carers offered either a carers’ group or individual support.116 The study by Barth et al.161 was a COS with a control group. The Boisvert et al.658 study was an uncontrolled study, designed to investigate attrition rates amongst sexually abused children who were referred to mental health services.
Sample sizes
The total sample in the Barth et al.161 study was 27, with 15 foster carers assigned to the intervention group. Hyde et al.538 had a sample of 47 adolescents and their families and Rushton et al.658 had a sample of 65 carers. Boisvert et al.658 analysed data relating to 116 adolescents.
Location
The study by Boisvert et al.658 was based in Canada, whereas the Barth et al.161 study was based in the USA. The studies by Hyde et al.538 and Rushton et al.664 were conducted in the UK.
Participants and maltreatment
All participants had a history of sexual abuse. Participants in the Hyde et al.538 study were the youngest, ranging from 4 to 16 years. Both Barth et al.161 and Boisvert et al.658 report data relating to adolescents aged 12–17 years. Although Rushton et al.’s664 study was focused on carers, the children in the original trial were aged 6–14 years at recruitment.
Ethnicity was reported for the participants in the Barth et al.161 study (69% black people). Carers and mothers in the Rushton et al.664 study were largely white and UK born (75%), with another 10% being African Caribbean and 7% Mediterranean.
The studies by Barth et al.161 and Hyde et al.538 had a predominantly female sample. The Boisvert et al.647 study did not provide any data on gender.
Interventions
All of the interventions were group based, although Barth et al.161 also included some individual work, and Rushton et al.664 compared group-based support with individual support. Hyde et al.538 also incorporated some family network meetings.
Groups typically ran for at least 8 weeks and, for some young people, groups ran for around 20 weeks.538,647 In the Rushton et al.664 study, treatment was planned for 30 weekly sessions for the girls, and the work with carers lasted for the same duration, but the authors note that it was not uniform because of limited resources. Birth and adoptive parents were usually seen weekly; foster carers were usually seen fortnightly.
Characteristics of treatment completers
In the study by Boisvert et al.,647 those who had attended 15 sessions were considered to have completed treatment; non-completers attended no more than four sessions. There was a 19.8% dropout rate. Higher dropout was associated with higher levels of sexual abuse impact, behavioural difficulties, social difficulties and delinquency. There were no family characteristic differences between treatment completers and non-completers.
Acceptability
Two161,538 studies collected data on the acceptability of the intervention using client questionnaires. Hyde et al.538 supplemented questionnaire data with data from interviews. Rushton et al.664 gathered data from foster carers, using two established schedules at baseline and follow-up (1 and 2 years). Boisvert et al.647 presented a profile of treatment completers.
Children’s views
The rating scale used to measure participant satisfaction is not described in Hyde 1995538 but, as indicated above, ratings were supplemented with qualitative interviews. Feedback was generally positive, but fewer than half the children were positive about talking about the abuse or felt that, as a result of the group work, they understood the origins of the abuse any better. Seventy-eight per cent said that they did find it useful for preventing further abuse and dealing with feelings of guilt. The helpfulness of treatment was generally rated higher by children than by their mothers.
Children in this study538 generally welcomed the opportunity provided by the groups to meet with others with similar experiences, but not all, and less than half of those interviewed felt positively about talking about the abuse.
Neither the Boisvert et al.658 study nor the Rushton et al.664 study report the views of children.
Caregivers’ views
A brief client satisfaction questionnaire was given to foster parents in the study by Barth et al.161 and the programme received high levels of endorsement for the group, but the length and intensity of the intervention were insufficient to observe any measurable changes of effectiveness.
Rushton et al.664 report that most carers were positive about the support provided to them (30% ‘very beneficial’, 48% ‘beneficial’). Mothers who were still in a relationship with the abuser were more likely to have negative or mixed views of the help provided to them and their daughter. Analyses indicate that those who reported positively on the help provided to them attended for an average of 8.8 months compared with those who had a mixed negative response, who attended just half of this time (4.3 months). This might mean that mothers who were not helped dropped out sooner, or that those who attended fewer sessions (perhaps for different reasons) did not receive enough help to find it beneficial. The authors note that both foster carers and adopters attended for significantly longer periods (M 9.2 months) than the birth parents (M 6.1 months), although, when levels of satisfaction were explored, birth mothers appeared to benefit more than foster carers, but the difference was not significant; few respondents said they received little benefit and foster carers were few in number.
The authors hypothesise that ‘mothers who clearly valued the support provided would probably have benefited from an independent professional listening to their difficulties and dealing with feelings such as guilt and anxiety’664 (p. 425), which, in turn, may have prevented deterioration in their relationships with their children. This study664 was primarily designed to examine the relationship between kinds of support to carers and outcomes for children hence the rather speculative reflections on what the help meant to carers themselves.
Summary: acceptability of psychoeducational Interventions
The available evidence presents a rather tenuous and fragmented picture of the acceptability of psychoeducational interventions. The one658 study to explore attrition identified severity of sexual abuse impact and behavioural problems as associated with dropout, but this was just one study, with a modest sample size, providing psychoeducation in a group format.
Where solicited, feedback from children and caregiver was generally positive with the exception of participants who were still in a relationship with the alleged perpetrator. The authors of this study664 speculate that mothers who valued the support provided might have benefited form further, personalised support. Again, there is support for the value of group work for children who have experienced sexual abuse.
Group work with children
Seven169–171,636,637,639,676 studies explored the acceptability of children/young persons’ group interventions. For details, see Table 19.
Description of studies
Study design
All but two171,636,637,639,676 studies were uncontrolled studies. The De Luca et al.170 study was a COS, and the Monck et al.169 study was a quasi-randomised trial.
Sample sizes
Sample sizes were all small, ranging respectively from just six and nine, respectively, in the studies by Grayston and De Luca171 and Ashby et al.,636 to a sample of 95 in the study by Monck et al.169
Location
Three636,637,639 studies were based in North America and two170,171 in Canada. The study by Gustafsson 1995676 was conducted in Sweden, and the Monck et al.169 study was UK based.
Participants
Interventions were delivered to children as young as 3 years, and up to 20 years. In five169–171,636,637 studies, all of the children had been sexually abused. Children in the Peled and Edleson639 were in treatment as a result of witnessing domestic violence. The participants in the study by Gustafsson 1995676 had suffered physical abuse, parental alcohol misuse and had witnessed domestic violence.
In two170,636 studies the participants were sexually abused girls and in the study by Grayston and De Luca171 the participants were sexually abused boys. The remaining four169,639,676 studies had mixed gender groups. Ashby et al.636 describe a population that was 100% American Indian, referred by tribal social services.
Intervention
Interventions comprised group activities (including art activities/circle time), abuse prevention skills, family reunification therapy and psychotherapeutic approaches. Interventions were delivered in group settings for children with similar abuse histories or, as in one study,637 a sibling/victim group setting.
In four170,171,636,639 studies treatment lasted between 10 and 12 weeks. Treatment in Monck et al.169 could last up to 12 months. No information was available in the remaining two studies.63,637
Acceptability
Four169,171,636,637 studies used questionnaires or rating scales to measure satisfaction.
Baker et al.637 reported findings from telephone surveys, used to interview treatment completers, drawing on four different group evaluations conducted in 1997, 1998 and 2000. Ashby et al.636 augmented data from children with data from school counsellor reports. Gustafsson et al.676 interviewed group therapists using semistructured schedules and De Luca et al.170 collected data using child report measures and a social validation scale. Peled and Edelson639 used interviews and group observations.
Children’s views
Using a child feedback questionnaire, Grayston and De Luca171 found that most children found the group helpful, enjoyed attending, liked feeling safe and were satisfied with the level of parental involvement. They had no suggestions for changes. No objective measures were used to assess satisfaction levels, and this is a limitation of this study.171
Participants in the studies by Ashby et al.,636 Monck et al.169 and De Luca et al.170 rated the programmes positively. On a scale of 1–11 (11 = outstanding), the group treatment programme in the Ashby et al.636 study scored 9.8 on average. Data from school counsellor reports saw positive behaviour change in school for 70% of participants. Children rated therapists highly in the Monck et al.169 study and valued meeting others with similar experiences; they also valued being able to talk to their abuser. Some reported negative feelings about talking about the abuse, their family and the hospital location of the therapy. The majority felt that it was helpful in preventing further abuse, raising their self-esteem, understanding and feelings of guilt surrounding the abuse. There was mixed effects for relations with their family, planning for the future and understanding the origins of the abuse. The children in the De Luca et al.170 study also reported similar positive and negative responses, plus some elements that frightened them, for example using puppets and the idea that abuse could recur.
Child-reported benefits of treatment identified in the study by Peled and Edleson639 included self-protection and strengthening self-esteem.
Caregivers’ views
Parents surveyed in the study by Baker et al.637 viewed the sibling group intervention positively, and, in the 2000 survey, parents’ mean score rating was 1.9 (on a scale of 1 to 4, with ‘4’ = unsatisfactory). Parents felt that their children had learnt how to deal with inappropriate advances (score 1.5) but helping the child to cope with stress was rated less positively (score 2.8).
Monck et al.169 also report mothers rating the prevention of further abuse as helpful, but the intervention fared less well when trying to deal with issues including understanding why and accepting abuse has happened, resolving guilt relating to the family and managing the abused child. In the De Luca et al.170 study, parents believed that the children liked feeling understood and having somewhere to talk about the abuse and someone to talk to, but would have liked to have received more feedback or observe the treatment.
Staff views
The importance of involving siblings in treatment is discussed by Baker et al.637 – siblings have a high risk of being abused too and often there are unresolved feelings of anger, jealousy and guilt, particularly if a family member is the perpetrator. On a purely practical level, involving all family members enables therapy to happen as no child-care issues arise. Sibling therapy also adds to the costs of the treatment, which may not be covered by the provider; it also has implications for rooms, materials and staffing.
Summary: acceptability of group work interventions
Generally, evidence for the acceptability of group-based interventions for maltreated children is very positive. Although, superficially, group work may appear to be a very efficient way of providing therapy, it requires a great deal of planning, special training and resources. Generally, these issues are not considered in one-off studies of this intervention, although the lack of attention to such issues is not unique to group work.
Counselling/psychotherapy interventions
Fourteen175,176,638,640–646,657,674,677,679 studies addressed issues of the acceptability of counselling interventions.
Four647,648,665,675 studies did so for psychotherapy interventions. In reality, there appears to be little difference between these two groups of interventions, other than how the authors describe them.
Counselling interventions
Details of the 14 studies of counselling interventions can be found in Table 20.
Study design
The study reported by Haight et al.175 was a randomised trial.
Baginsky640 conducted a review of the pattern of provision in the UK, the Netherlands and Italy and the reaction of young people who had or had not received services. The literature review was followed by interviews (both face to face and telephone), group discussions, questionnaires and letters to collect additional data.
Deb and Mukherjee679 used purposive sampling from four randomly selected shelters across Kolkata, India, and sourced a non-abused control group from local schools, which were also randomly selected. Both qualitative and quantitative data collection were used.
The other studies176,638,641–643,645,646,674,677 were uncontrolled designs, each using a purposive sample of those engaged in treatment. The studies by Fowler et al.641,642 examined the acceptability of counsellor gender for treatment for sexual abuse. Kilcrease-Fleming et al.643 also investigated counsellor gender using a standardised rating scale of video-taped interviews analysing differences in verbalisation between male and female counsellors. Porter et al.645 used the Client Behavior System verbalisation measure to assess gender differences in counsellors. Thompson et al.646 used two semistructured interview guides to interview both mothers and youths. Scott 677 also conducted in-depth interviews with parents. Nelson-Gardell638 conducted focus groups. Overlien’s674 investigation of counselling provision in women’s refuges used a grounded theory approach to conduct face-to-face interviews while using age-appropriate schedules. Reddy et al.176 relied on qualitative post-treatment feedback to assess intervention acceptability.
Kolko et al.644 conducted quantitative analyses to predict service use and Haskett et al.657 used regression analysis to investigate treatment entry.
Sample sizes
Sample size varied. Haight et al.175 recruited 17 children from 10 families, and Scott677 recruited 15 children from 12 families. Nelson-Gardell638 recruited 34 participants, and four641,643,645,674 studies had samples of around 50. The largest study640 had 130 participants. The studies by Fowler and Wagner,642 Haskett et al.,657 Reddy et al.,176 Kolko et al.644 and Deb and Mukherjee679 all had between 70 and 100 participants.
Location
Most of the studies were USA based. One677 was set in Australia, one679 in India and another in Norway.674 Baginsky640 examined counselling provision for young people across three nations: the UK, the Netherlands and Italy.
Participants
All studies focused on participants with a sexual abuse history, apart from Overlien,674 who examined physically abused children who had witnessed domestic violence. The sample in Kolko et al.644 had also been subjected to neglect, and those in the studies by Haight et al.175 and Reddy et al.176 had been exposed to a range of abuse and neglect. Baginsky640 did not specify type of abuse, but sexual abuse recovery was included in the findings; therefore, an assumption has been made that at least part of the sample had been sexually abused.
Interventions
Four644,674,677,679 studies reported on IGT – concurrent with individual counselling. The group therapy included counselling with other sexually abused girls,679 family members644,677 and play therapy within a women’s refuge setting.674
Five640–643,645,657 studies examined individual counselling, four of which specifically analysed counsellor gender preferences pre and post treatment.641–643,645 Haskett et al.657 examined factors associated with successful treatment entry for long-term counselling and, last, Baginsky640 reviewed varied counselling provision in Europe.
Counselling for sexually abused girls in Kolkata679 was based around basic support services, as many of these girls had been living on the streets and had been sexually exploited; provision included nutrition, safety and security, education and training, and medical care, as well as counselling. The intervention lasted between 2 and 3 months, and individual and group counselling were delivered on a weekly basis, with more if required.
Participants in the study by Nelson-Gardell638 had received therapy from a range of counsellors, the details of whom are not provided. In this study638 the researchers wanted to know what and whom the participants had found helpful in recovery.
Fowler and Wagner,642 Kilcrease-Fleming et al.643 and Porter et al.645 all report a psychoeducation/psychological treatment programme, which lasted for six sessions. Adolescents in the study by Reddy et al.176 were provided with CBCT. Haight et al.175 describe the LSI for children who were living with parental methamphetamine misuse.
Haskett et al.657 describe the intervention as ‘long-term counselling’. Additional content of counselling intervention is not described in detail.
Young people in the study by Thompson et al.646 received a range of individual and group-based counselling services in a range of service settings. The families of these participants also received a range of other counselling services, as well as – for some – FT, drug counselling and inpatient services (mothers).
Characteristics of treatment completers
Only two studies644,657 examined the characteristics of those who remained in therapy or dropped out.
Haskett et al.657 presented factors associated with successful treatment entry for long-term counselling in a convenience sample. A higher percentage of males attended, as did a higher percentage of white Americans, but attenders and non-attenders did not differ in parental education level, marital status or socioeconomic status (SES). Children in homes with telephones were more likely to attend the first session, as were those referred to a private centre. When mothers felt that the entire family needed counselling, attendance was also more likely.
In the study by Kolko et al.,644 children and parents were interviewed at study intake and at 4–8 months after receiving an initial service. Potential predictors of service use were computed using Pearson‘s correlations or chi-squared tests to determine the relationships between several key clinical characteristics. Four variables were found to be significant, and these were used to perform multiple regression analyses. Four variables predicted the number of services received at intake: white American children with lower levels of anxiety and parents with heightened distress and with more abusive experiences when they themselves were children received more services at intake. Three of these variables also predicted number of services at post-service assessment: white American child, parental distress and low child anxiety.
Acceptability
Children’s views
Highlighting issues raised by the young people they surveyed, Baginsky640 concluded that not enough support was available, and greater awareness was needed of the damage inflicted by sexual abuse. Young people also stressed the need for open-door policies for clients to return for help if necessary.
Another conclusion of those surveyed was that schools have a greater role to play in prevention through protective education and better sexual education.
Four641–643,645 studies considered counsellor gender preference using rating scales (including verbalisation measures and counselling process rating scales) and statement of counsellor gender preference pre and post intervention. The all-female samples in the studies by Fowler et al.641,642 and Porter 1996645 expressed a preference for a female counsellor pre treatment: 71%, 100% and 100%, respectively. However, only Fowler and Wagner642 re-tested gender preference post treatment and found that 30% of girls treated by a male stated a preference for a male counsellor, while 100% of girls treated by a female stated a preference for a female counsellor.
The studies by Kilcrease-Fleming et al.643 and Porter et al.645 examined client behaviour during a counselling session. Kilcrease-Fleming et al.643 collected data at the initial counselling session using three different counselling process rating scales, which were scored by observers. Data were gathered on verbalisation frequency, overall participation, willingness to return and disclosures made during the session. MANOVA results found no significant differences in counsellor gender; however, a significantly higher verbalisation rate was observed in female counsellors than in their clients. Kilcrease-Fleming et al.643 conclude that female victims do not necessarily need to be treated by female counsellors. Porter et al.645 found that the type of questions asked may influence verbalisation, regardless of counsellor gender; girls in this study were found to be more resistant to questions about sexual abuse than other types.
Fifty-eight per cent of the sample in the study by Deb and Mukherjee679 said they found counselling beneficial, although some caveats were made about the limitations of the study design and the potential for sensitive data to be suppressed. The qualitative summary findings in Overlien674 conclude that, with very few exceptions, counselling was valued and considered helpful by the children interviewed. Using a grounded theory approach, children identified the play element of the therapy as important, creating a safe and fun place to play with other children.
Kolko et al.644 reported some barriers to successful treatment participation. In this study, the young people interviewed identified parental factors as among the largest obstacles to accessing therapy, including ‘parent was too busy to attend’ and ‘parent does not think counselling will help’. Children acknowledged greater obstacles to parental treatment than parents.
Most children in the study by Reddy et al.176 found the programme to be helpful and 87% said they would recommend the intervention to others. They were less enamoured of undertaking homework tasks and opinion was split about the desirability of offering the programme within schools. They reported that their alliances with instructors were stronger than those with their peers. Similarly, the children participating in the LSI described by Haight et al.175 mostly characterised the experience as enjoyable, particularly the relationships that they had developed with the community clinicians. Most found having someone to talk to helpful, but they also expressed anxiety at the early stages of the treatment, particularly talking about their experiences.
Nelson-Gardell638 identified four important themes, of which ‘being believed’ was considered to be so important by the focus group participants that they conflated it with ‘being helped’. The other three themes were that talking about what happened is not easy but it helps; talking about feelings helps and – although no one had wanted to go to a therapy group – the groups help. Concern was expressed that if the abuse was not talked about, it would impact on them negatively in the future. In brief, group therapy was found to be difficult but useful.
Caregivers’ views
In the study by Kolko et al.,644 caregivers rated the severity of family problems higher than children did, and stressed the importance of targeting behaviour and competence as treatment goals.
Scott677 used in-depth interviews with parents to explore family counselling. Parents expressed mixed views about the value of talking about painful feelings and many worried about their children having to relive the experiences through therapy, although other parents felt that this was helpful. Managing parents’ expectations was also raised as an issue: therapy was referred to by some parents as a cathartic process, but children may not see it in the same way or wish to talk. There were also some tensions highlighted in the parent–therapist relationship.
- Some parents had high levels of anxiety but felt unable to discuss these with the therapist because they were unaware of what was being discussed with their child.
- As discussed previously, issues of parental guilt that the abuse was able to happen – once this issue was addressed, it became easier to talk about.
- Some parents felt ambivalent about the therapist’s ‘authority’; counselling for some families was compulsory; once social services were involved, things were taken out of their control.
Scott677 also reports concerns about the impact of secondary abuse. Parents worried about the contamination of normal sexuality in the home, particularly at bath times and getting dressed/undressed. The potential threat to masculinity in fathers was also raised, and some parents expressed anxiety about their child’s future sexual adjustment. Scott677 suggests that female social workers are often unaware of fathers’ concerns, which can lead to further tension between the professional and the family. In their study of family group therapy, Costa et al.678 highlighted similar concerns amongst parents regarding their child’s future sexuality, with some parents afraid that the sexual abuse would result in homosexuality or lead to inappropriate sexual behaviour with other children.
Secondary abuse also impacted on families’ extended social networks; views of the wider family and local community became coloured by a significant mistrust of adults; this, in turn, put additional pressure on their marital relationships. Investigations by social services and police also attached considerable stigma, which, in turn, negatively impacted on the immediate social support networks of family and friends. Scott677 recommends that the wider family unit is included in the disclosure and subsequent intervention.
Caregiver perspectives were sought in the study by Haight et al.175 using open-ended questionnaires. Like the children, their views were largely positive, with the relationship between their child and the community clinician considered to one of the most beneficial elements of the programme. Caregivers also recommended that the treatment length should have been extended.
Staff views
Baginsky640 suggests that provision needs to be mapped at both local and national level and made available to young people, parents and other professionals, and that a multiprofessional response is also required.
Kolko et al.644 found that sexually abused children were more likely to receive child-directed treatment and physically abusive families were more likely to receive in-home crisis services, such as family preservation. At post-service assessment, sexually abused children were more likely to have received services – Kolko et al.644 attribute this to caseworker perceptions that the sexually abused were at greater risk.
In their interviews, directors of 50 of the 51 women’s shelters in Norway stressed the value of normal and fun activities within the shelter environment.674 They saw this as especially important when normal family life has been shattered. Scott677 highlighted that professional staff were sometimes unaware of some of the therapist–parent tensions emerging from compulsory counselling.
The clinician field notes analysed in the study by Haight et al.175 describe the positive benefits of the non-clinical setting, but also suggest some difficulties in maintaining professional boundaries within a community setting while working with vulnerable children. Confidentiality was inevitably breached at times, when clinicians were made aware of risk factors facing these children.
Psychotherapy interventions
Details of these studies647,648,665,675 and the interventions can be found in Table 21.
Study design
All studies647,648,665,675 were uncontrolled. In the study by Horowitz et al.647 the data analysed were collected as part of a longitudinal study of the psychobiological effects of CSA (Putnam and Trickett, 1987–1988748). The studies by Davies et al.665 and Jensen et al.675 used qualitative methodologies, and Lippert et al.648 reviewed case records with additional qualitative data collection.
Sample sizes
There were just four participants in the Davies et al.665 study and 15 in the Jensen et al.675 study. The other studies647,648 had samples sizes of 81 participants647 and 101 participants,648 respectively.
Location
The studies by Horowitz et al.647 and Lippert et al.648 were US-based studies, the Davies et al.665 study was a UK study and the Jensen et al.675 study was set in Norway.
Participants
Sexual abuse history was the maltreatment experienced by children in three647,648,675 studies, and in the Davies et al.665 study the four participants had been neglected/abused. The sample was 100% female in the studies by Jensen et al.675 and Davies et al.,665 whereas in the study by Horowitz et al.647 60% of participants were female. Lippert et al.648 did not present a gender breakdown. Forty per cent of the participants in the study by Horowitz et al.647 were described as non-white and the entire sample in the Jensen et al.675 study was of Norwegian ethnic origin.
Intervention
Davies et al.665 and Jensen et al.675 describe individual psychotherapy, but details of intervention delivery are not reported in the studies by Horowitz et al.647 or Lippert et al.648 Children in the Davies et al.665 study had been in receipt of psychotherapy for between 4 months and 3.5 years, and in the Jensen et al.675 study weekly sessions were provided for a mean of 7.5 weeks.
Characteristics of treatment completers
Horowitz et al.647 reported that non-minority children received more therapy. Abuse variables were found to be powerful predictors of the total number of therapy sessions, and earlier onset predicted more sessions. Children who experienced higher levels of psychopathological disturbance also received more treatment. Family functioning did not predict level of treatment in the model.
Lippert et al.648 profiled those who failed to participate in treatment: 46% of the sample of 101 did not begin therapy and 54% had at least one therapy session (therapy initiators). Initiators of therapy were less likely to be ethnically black (33%) than decliners (50%), and were more likely to have been subject to maternal neglect (24%) than decliners (4%). Decliners were those whose first appointments were twice as long from the initial forensic interview following abuse report. Caregivers who declined treatment reported lower scores on the Self-Report Family Inventory (SFI) conflict, competence and expressiveness scales. Reasons for declining included ‘work conflict’ (50%); ‘inaccessible venue’ (40%); ‘child was symptom free’ (15%); ‘caregiver was busy’ (15%); and ‘caregiver wanted to forget about abuse or let their child forget’ (15%).
Acceptability
Interviews exploring children’s experiences of therapy were conducted in the study by Davies et al.665 Jensen et al.675 interviewed children and their caregivers, separately, at two different points in time: just after the last therapy session and 1 year later. Lippert et al.648 relied on parents’ accounts, and presented a profile of non-participation and data from case record reviews. Horowitz et al.647 collected data from therapists’ reports and ran multiple regression analyses to examine the correlates of therapy usage.
Children’s views
Davies et al.665 used a range of age-appropriate methodologies to garner children’s experiences of psychotherapy. This was an extremely small sample size (just four), but the children interviewed valued feeling able to make their own contributions to therapy, and they appeared to view their therapists as attachment figures. The importance of non-verbal communication was stressed. Physical space was also raised as an issue: children stated that the waiting room environment was important as it became a familiar place, but they also felt that it could have been improved. There were no measures of therapy outcome in this study.665 Jensen et al.675 was designed to explore therapy goals and whether or not these were achieved. Of the 15 children interviewed, none had therapy goals at the outset, and expectations of therapy were low, but, through the course of treatment, a better understanding of the therapy was gained. The play therapy element was also recognised as being enjoyable.
Caregivers’ views
Jensen et al.675 reports mothers’ fears of feeling condemned by the therapist, and anxiety that they were losing control over the situation. Three aspects were identified as being important in developing a positive bond with the therapist: the therapists’ personal qualities (in contrast to parents identifying qualifications as the most important); the collaborative process between therapist and caregiver (identified as the gatekeeper); and developing a systemic three-way relationship between therapist, child and parent.
Staff views
In the study by Jensen et al.,675 the parent is described as the ‘gatekeeper’ who enables the child to participate in therapy, and the importance of this three-way relationship is stressed.
Summary: acceptability of psychotherapy/counselling interventions
From the available evidence, we know very little about the factors that predict the engagement of children with counselling or psychotherapy, or what differentiates those who complete therapy from those who do not.
Generally, children and caregivers are positive about counselling and psychotherapy and the therapists delivering them. However, it is largely from these studies that parents’ and caregivers’ concerns about ‘knowing what is happening in therapy’ emerge.
There is no strong evidence to suggest that children have marked gender preferences for counsellors, but it would be a mistake to draw conclusions from this particular set of studies, none of which is very rigorous, and most of which are very small. Those studies emphasise the importance of addressing caregivers’ concerns about the wider impact of sexual abuse on family functioning.
As with all interventions considered in this review, most of the studies were undertaken outside the UK, and there is a need to determine the views of children and young people within the UK.
Peer mentoring
One660 study provided acceptability evidence for peer mentoring (Table 22).
Overview of this study
This was a qualitative study,660 undertaken in Canada, with a sample of 24 families with 26 children.
Participants
Participants had experienced sexual abuse and were aged between 14 and 21 years.
Intervention
The ‘Peer Support Program for Parents and Youths’ was led by parents and young people, and was delivered on a 12-week cycle but with open-ended membership. It brought to implement and change existing normal treatment service and was targeted at families that did not benefit from mainstream support or services. Specialising in child sex abuse issues, the group offered flexible delivery and outreach support, and also offered practical advice with legal procedures and child welfare.
Acceptability
A sample of parents, youths and professionals were interviewed to collect data.
Children’s views
Young people ‘enthusiastically endorsed’ (p. 70) provision and found the outreach service to be very helpful. Staff were available by phone during evenings, which was valued. One-to-one support was considered to be the most important element and the youth-led support group was less favourably viewed.
Caregivers’ views
Parents found staff to be respectful and sensitive and identified the outreach service as unique. Parents felt that the parent-led group gave them information and coping strategies and appreciated hearing that they were not alone.
Staff views
Staff felt that the group filled services gaps and that no other agency provided similar support.
Summary: acceptability of peer-mentoring interventions
The evidence base for the effectiveness of peer mentoring is relatively slim (see Chapter 4) but these interventions receive a strong endorsement from children and carers.
Intensive service models
Eight studies provided information relevant to the acceptability of a variety of intensive service provision for maltreated children, details of which can be found in Table 23 (see also Table 24).
Residential treatment Five649–651,666,671 studies described residential facilities that provided care for maltreated young people with behavioural and conduct problems. West et al.651 examined the views of young people about a trauma-informed alternative to traditional school policies in a residential care setting, so we include that study651 in this section.
Enhanced fostering Three145,146,667,671 studies reported on enhanced foster care interventions carers.
No study explored the acceptability of, or satisfaction with, therapeutic day care services.
Therapeutic residential care
Details of the five649–651,666,672 studies exploring different types of therapeutic residential care interventions can be found in Table 23.
Location
One672 study was based in the Netherlands and three in the USA.649–651 The Gallagher and Green666 study was undertaken in the UK.
Study design
Cunningham et al.649 described the development of a measure of youth engagement that was suitable for use with young people in RTCs. In collaboration with staff from two RTCs, the research team established a programme logic model, which they used to develop a multidimensional measure of engagement, adapting items from existing measures of readiness to change and the therapeutic alliance. The tools were then piloted drawing on data from interviews with young people at four time points, interviews with primary caregivers at the first and last time points, questionnaires to the school, clinical and residential members of the young people’s treatment teams, and data from the client’s case files and school records. Confirmatory factor analysis using maximum likelihood estimation was the primary analytic method used for analysis, and informed subsequent modifications of the measure.
Leenarts et al.672 examined motivation for change among girls in compulsory residential care, using a range of standardised measures of child maltreatment, trauma and treatment motivation, which they analysed in relation to motivation for treatment, using multiple linear regression analyses, and treatment dropout, using logistic regression.
Both Shennum and Carlo650 and Gallagher and Green666 used semistructured interviews. Both interviewed children who had previously lived in therapeutic residential care; the sample in the Shennum and Carlo study650 included some children still resident at the time of interview.
West et al.651 used focus groups to explore the views of young people in a school that they attended under court order.
Sample sizes
A total of 154 adolescent girls participated in the Leenarts et al.672 study and 130 young people were interviewed on four occasions by the researchers in the study by Cunningham et al.649 Shennum and Carlo650 recruited a sample of 80 young people and Gallagher and Green666 achieved a sample of just 16. Thirty-nine girls participated in focus groups in the study by West et al.651
Participants
Characteristically, the children served by these interventions were described as ‘unfosterable’ or difficult to place, because of behavioural issues or physical and psychological conditions and/or disability.
The young people in the study by Gallagher and Green666 had experienced severe sexual, physical and emotional abuse and neglect, by one or more members of their family, and sometimes others, which had left them with significant problems of attachment. Previous placements had broken down, often because of challenging (including sexualised) behaviour. Some had experienced subsequent maltreatment in foster care.
Shennum and Carlo650 described residential facilities that were providing care for maltreated young people who were also presenting with behavioural and conduct problems.
Young people in the study by Cunningham et al.649 had a somewhat different profile in that the majority were in residential care (‘congregate foster care’) as the result of being in need of supervision (53%), and it is not entirely clear whether or not they had a history of maltreatment. A further 38% were adjudicated delinquents and 9% had been referred for reasons including abuse, neglect and special educational needs. It is possible that – with additional information – this study649 would fail to meet our inclusion criteria in respect of participants.
Those in the Leenarts et al.672 study were in compulsory residential treatment facilities. All had experienced prior traumas, and their histories were characterised by several out-of-home placements (60%), homelessness (30%), police contact of family members (45%) and histories of physical or psychological problems of family members (62%).
The girls in the West et al.651 study were maltreated girls who were involved in the criminal justice system.
Interventions
The therapeutic residential settings ranged from a compulsory treatment facility for severely traumatised girls651,672 through residential treatment649,650 to a small domestic-style setting described as a Therapeutic Children’s Home,666 where children lived in ‘families’ of three or four children with two adult staff acting in loco parentis. In this setting, the therapeutic model comprised three components: therapeutic parenting (to address attachment issues and a secure base), formal therapy sessions (based on play and expressive arts) and life story work.
The larger residential facilities provided a range of individual and group therapies as well as education. Typically, the environment was structured in ways designed to promote prosocial and to adaptive behaviour.649,650,672
The treatment setting in West 2014651 was a residential school, which offered a modified training curriculum (The Heart of Teaching and Learning: Compassion, Resiliency and Academic Success) and a ‘Monarch Room’ facility, which promoted emotion regulation and skills to de-escalate problem situations through problem-solving techniques, talk therapy and sensorimotor activities, and avoid student suspensions and expulsions, which are recognised as counterproductive.
Characteristics of treatment completers
One649 study specifically examined factors associated with engagement, but does not provide relevant data, as the study concerned the development of a measure appropriate to residential treatment settings. We discuss the issues raised by Cunningham et al.649 in our concluding discussion. One672 study explored the factors associated with treatment engagement and dropout, and, given the risks associated with running away from residential care, this study – although conducted in the Netherlands – addresses an important UK-wide issue.
Leenarts et al.672 report that several demographic variables predicted motivation for treatment, as assessed by the Nijmegen Motivation List 2 (NML-2749). The 34 items in this self-report questionnaire ask respondents to answer using a five-point Likert-type scale, ranging from one (‘not at all applicable’) to five (‘highly applicable’). The NML-2 generates three subscales: (1) preparedness to engage in treatment, (2) level of distress and (3) doubt about treatment. Data on dropout consisted of a total of five possible outcomes: ‘client left: runaway’; ‘judge did not extend stay’, ‘transfer to another facility’, ‘regular termination: end treatment’ and ‘stay not terminated: adolescent is still a resident’. Girls who terminated their stay by running away were identified as dropouts, that is, those who ran away and stayed away for > 14 days and, as a result, were discharged from the facility. In this study,672 23 girls (15%) ended their first uninterrupted stay by dropping out. One girl was transferred to another facility but dropped out after return, resulting in a total number of girls dropping out of 24. Girls with a non-Dutch ethnic background and a younger age reported significantly higher levels of distress and were more likely to engage in treatment.
Level of distress was predicted by a history of out-of-home placements when considering demographics only, and predicted doubt about treatment when considering demographics and childhood maltreatment. The authors point out that out-of-home placements and separating children from their parents may adversely affect their functioning. Out-of-home placements no longer predicted level of distress and doubt once emotional abuse, anxiety, depression and dissociation were taken into account. The authors conclude that the relationship between out-of-home placements and motivation is mediated by emotional abuse and trauma-related symptoms.
Emotional abuse was the type of maltreatment most strongly correlated with motivation to engage with treatment. Girls who reported internalising symptoms (anxiety, depression) were more likely to experience high levels of distress than those with fewer such problems. Girls with dissociative symptoms were more likely to have doubts about treatment. Adolescents are generally more willing to change their internalising problems than their externalising problems, and the authors point out that dropping out of treatment by running away may be attributable to externalising symptoms and antisocial behaviour. They go on to suggest that this is perhaps why the study672 did not find a significant association between dropout and a history of child maltreatment. The authors suggest that as dropout often occurs when adolescents are on leave from residential care; future research should investigate whether or not going on leave adversely affects girls’ motivation for treatment and also the relationship between motivation to change and motivation for treatment.
Acceptability
Three650,651,666 of these five649–651,666,672 studies specifically explored the view of children and young people.
Children’s views
From the qualitative evidence, young people in the study by Gallagher and Green666 valued the therapeutic home-like setting provided, but pointed to limits on the extent to which it felt like a real family home; for example, friends had difficulty calling in if they had not been officially vetted. Participants stressed the need for developing a special relationship with an adult, so that they felt ‘loved’, and that within the constraints of the working environment this was sometimes difficult. They liked the life story work. There was also some evidence of poorly managed transitions, with little or no preparation for leaving care. This intervention is costly and there is currently an absence of robust effectiveness data to support its use.
Therapists were considered helpful and, in the most part, viewed positively by young people in another residential setting,650 but, here too, there were negative views reported: 20% felt that their therapist was too busy to deal with them; 30% disliked the milieu of therapy, as they considered it to be a means of controlling young people; and 60% disliked the behaviour management approach. Only 20% of the sample felt that they had a good relationship with the staff.
The six focus groups convened in the study by West et al.651 were used to understand the lived experiences of students who had difficulties with their own externalising behaviour and that of others. The girls, over half of whom had a history of maltreatment (just under half were placed for reasons of delinquency), attended a school that aimed to ‘treat, heal, and educate its students by following a school discipline system that incorporates the students’ treatment goals and strategies . . . [and which emphasises] . . . reducing student disciplinary issues by providing an effective social-emotional learning environment’651 (p. 60). Students were asked to identify behaviours that they saw in themselves or others (displayed in the classroom or in the school grounds) and describe the kinds of experiences that led to these behaviours and to say what advice they would give to teachers working with students like themselves. The girls identified 16 behaviours and 23 likely causes. They made 20 recommendations for improving policies and practices in schools. The authors observe that these respondents were very aware of their behaviour and that of their fellow students. They were able to identify triggers from past experience that they felt resulted in highly charged emotional and behavioural reactions that are common among those who have experienced complex trauma. The kinds of linkages that students made included unwanted or unexpected touch, raised voices and references to relatives, as well as triggers unique to particular individuals. They conclude that schools need more trauma-informed teaching practices in order to manage these behaviours.
Enhanced foster care
Details of the three145,146,667,671 studies of enhanced foster care can be found in Table 24.
No study explored the acceptability of, or satisfaction with, therapeutic day care services.
Location
The studies by Staines et al.667 and Biehal et al.145,146 were conducted in the UK. The Laan et al.671 study was undertaken in the Netherlands.
Study design
Staines et al.667 used a prospective, repeated-measures design to investigate the supports and services provided to children and carers in an Independent Fostering Agency (IFA), and the relationship between these and children’s progress and placement outcomes over a 12-month period. They used questionnaires to obtain data from carers, children and social workers, at two time points (at the start of a placement and 1 year later). The included paper reports the views of foster parents.
Biehal et al.145,146 undertook a small randomised trial of the effectiveness of MTFC, embedded in a larger, observational QEx case–control study (see Chapter 4 for details of the RCT).
Laan et al.671 used data from case notes, together with data from a questionnaire completed by foster carers, to explore the characteristics of children included in an enhanced fostering programme, the content of counselling provided within the service, placement outcomes, and relationships between children’s characteristics and placement outcomes.
Sample size
The achieved sample in the study by Biehal et al.145,146 was 219 participants (with 34 participants in the RCT). Laan et al.671 examined case files for 78 children, and secured questionnaire data from 64 of the 78 foster parents. Staines et al.667 received completed questionnaires from 49% (221) of the IFA foster carers and 66% of the IFA social workers (299) at time 1 – when child was first placed. At time 2 – either 1 year following the start of the placement or when the placement ended, the team secured completed questionnaires from 50% (227) of foster carers and 69% (312) of the IFA social workers. For only 138 placements at time 1 and 80 placements at time 2, were completed questionnaires received from both IFA social workers and foster carers
Participants
Respondents in the study by Laan et al.671 were foster parents looking after learning disabled children with challenging behaviour. It was the only study671 of disabled children identified. Participants in the study by Biehal et al.145,146 were children and young people in foster care, aged 10–17 years, who were showing complex or severe emotional difficulties or challenging behaviours, and whose placements were unstable, at risk of breakdown, or not meeting their assessed needs. Children in the study by Staines et al.667 were aged 5–14 years, who had been in a placement and provided by the IFA participating in the study for > 1 year. All of the children had been maltreated, with most having experienced more than one form of abuse.
Interventions
Biehal et al.145,146 evaluated Multidimensional Treatment Foster Care for Adolescents (MTFC-A), described as a ‘wrap-around multimodal foster care intervention for children with challenging behaviour’.
The IFA in the study by Staines et al.667 incorporated a therapeutic approach to its service provision, which recognised the importance of individual therapeutic work with children, but focused the efforts of therapists on supporting foster parents and other staff within the agency. As the authors note, local authorities typically use IFAs for their more difficult-to-place children and this, together with the therapeutic focus, is why this study667 was categorised as one that was concerned with enhanced fostering provision.
Intensive Foster Care [Project Intensieve Pleegzorg (PIP): project for intensive foster care] was the focus of Laan et al.671 PIP provided foster carers with intensive and specialised counselling by a counsellor who also had access to an educational psychologist, and a psychiatrist or psychotherapist from a multidisciplinary PIP support team.
Characteristics of treatment completers
In Laan et al.’s671 analysis, intensive foster care placements were more likely to end prematurely for girls, for children with psychiatric problems and for children who had experienced neglect or sexual abuse in their biological family.671 Staines et al.667 and Biehal et al.145,146 do not present systematic data on this issue.
Acceptability
Of the three studies, Biehal et al.145,146 was the only one to canvass children’s views of the intervention. All three studies considered the views of staff and caregivers.
Children’s views
Using 20 purposively sampled and anonymised case studies, Biehal et al.145,146 provide qualitative evidence of the acceptability of the intervention to young people. Two young people described the benefits of the points and levels system integrated in MTFC-A, as both had been experiencing considerable problems in care and at school, displaying anti-social behaviour. One boy explained how beneficial the programme was:
I thought it was quite good. It was sort of a target to reach, sort of expectation, and it was sort of good, cos I wanted to sort of beat the expectation, sort of double it. So it was sort of a thing to push myself.
Young male; Biehal 2012, p. 180145
Both boys interviewed felt secure and cared for in their new foster care setting and by the end of year both were retained in the placement. The other boy stated:
They treat me nice and all that and they look after me, make sure I’ve got the right things . . . Like they’re all kind to me.
Young male; Biehal 2012, p. 178145
Biehal et al.145 reported that there was a sense of genuine affection demonstrated by many carers, which can be absent in other residential care settings. One young person who had been referred for treatment for risk-taking behaviour had initially found it hard to adapt because of the contrast of the MTFC-A placement with previous care settings:
It was hard . . . stricter, like trying to keep in your head certain things that you have to do every day . . . and for someone who’s just come from a house where you had to look after their parents then to a children’s home where you just run riot basically then come into this structured programme, it was very puzzling, difficult to get your head round, but then you get used to it (p. 182) . . . . Mary concludes that ‘Treatment foster care was the best thing ever, I can put my hand on my heart, if it wasn’t for TFC I would probably be in a secure unit by now.
Young woman participant; Biehal 2012, p. 183145
Some children reacted negatively to the points system during the early stages of the programme:
It’s really strict, it’s really rubbish, I had all my stuff taken off me and I have to do stupid things I would have done anyway for points.
Young female participant; Biehal 2012, p. 195145
One child felt that the system was artificial and refused to participate, as the system would not be introduced in a ‘normal family’. Some less successful placements were included in the case studies, including young people with outcome scores that had showed little change or had deteriorated at follow-up. In three of the cases that demonstrated mixed outcomes for the children, all had experienced behavioural difficulties alongside serious emotional problems. Biehal et al.145 conclude that, in some cases, MTFC may be less effective for young people with serious emotional problems. Although the programme does offer therapeutic support, the main focus is on behavioural change, which may not be the most appropriate intervention for these children. Placements that were disrupted early on, were also less likely to lead to positive changes in the children’s outcome scores.
Caregivers’ views
The Staines et al.667 study reports high levels of success, with 77% of foster carers reporting that the placement was going well after 12 months. Laan et al.671 reported similar satisfaction levels (79%) with foster carers identifying the emotional support element of the counselling as the most useful.
In the study by Biehal et al.145,146 many carers found the points and levels system to be a key contributor to the programme’s success. Typical questionnaire feedback at the 3-month follow up included:
Points and levels rewards are brilliant for her. See this on daily basis. It’s a good thing, gives a second chance . . . Points system motivates the young person. Spending points, buying privileges brings the desired reward for good behaviour.
Foster carer; Biehal 2012, p. 192145
A few carers felt that the programme did not suit some young people: children who did not accept that their behaviour was a problem.
Foster carers in this study145 felt very supported, with the points and levels system creating a distance between the carer and the sanction for poor behaviour. Responsibility for discipline was shared with the team, and the carers were less likely to feel ultimately responsible for invoking punishment. This helped maintain positive relationships. There was also some evidence of carers feeling less stressed because of the ‘depersonalisation of discipline’ (Carer’s view, p. 197).
Resource pressure was cited as a programme difficulty, in particular, staff shortages, which hampered delivery.
Finding appropriate education placements was also considered extremely important by caregivers. Children who had been excluded from school were found an environment to suit their needs, although there was no evidence of improvement in truancy or exclusion rates by follow-up.
Factors that helped placement progress included removing the young person to a new environment in a single placement away from antisocial influences; developing a warm and caring relationship with his/her foster carer; and the child accepting, and being motivated to participate in, the programme. Conversely, the programme could be hindered by the negative influence of birth families and the placement setting at follow-up.
Staff views
The research by Staines et al.667 on a therapeutic team parenting approach in an IFA found that social workers considered resource limitations, poor planning and lengthy decision-making to have a direct negative impact on the child.
Summary: acceptability of intensive service interventions
We have very little research intelligence about the acceptability of intensive service provision, such as therapeutic residential care or treatment foster care, from the perspective of children and young people, and not much more from the perspective of carers. The data from West et al.651 indicate that young people are more aware of their behaviour and its likely triggers (and distal causes) than one might imagine, and that training teachers to better appreciate the ways in which trauma impacts on behaviour might help to improve social and educational outcomes for maltreated children, particularly when combined with approaches to the curriculum and behaviour problems that minimise the adverse consequences of externalising behaviour (school expulsion) while maximising the opportunities to develop self-regulation and problem-solving, etc. (the Monarch Room).
The studies indicate that foster carers are able to better care for challenging children when provided with similar support and training. Although the results of the UK study of MTFC-A145 were – at best – mixed, the majority of young people and carers were positive about them.
The study by Cunningham et al.649 is of interest because of what it has to say about treatment engagement, and we discuss this later.
Activity-based therapies
Five652,661,668–670 studies presented qualitative data in relation to the acceptability of the three types of activity-based intervention: art and creative therapies, play therapies and equine-assisted therapy.
Description of studies
Study designs
All five studies were qualitative studies. The study of art therapy651 was primarily a descriptive account of a group for children in women’s refuges, but included analyses of children’s drawings and reports of the children’s written evaluations of their group experiences. The study of equine-assisted therapy669 incorporated participant observation, field notes and interviews (semistructured, ethnographic conversational plus unstructured interviews). Bannister and Gallagher668 investigated the case histories of children referred to the NSPCC. Hill670 examined case records, supplemented with 48 interviews with parents, therapists and children. Mishna et al.661 interviewed children’s parents and professionals using semistructured interviews at 6, 12 and 18 months following the start of treatment. Both Burgon669 and Gilbert652 wrote from the perspective of practitioner researchers.
Samples
Samples were extremely small: just seven children in the study by Burgon669 and six in the Bannister and Gallagher668 study. Mishna et al.661 interviewed the parents, teachers and therapists of 11 children who were undergoing play therapy. Hill670 examined the cases of 13 children who were seen by four therapists. No sample size was available in the study by Gilbert.652
Setting
Bannister and Gallagher,668 Burgon669 and Hill670 conducted their studies in the UK. The studies undertaken by Gilbert652 and Mishna et al.661 were based in North America.
Participants
The seven children in the study by Burgon669 were in foster care; they had all experienced multiple abuse and presented with additional problems, such as school exclusion or involvement with youth justice. Those described by Bannister and Gallagher668 were children who had, themselves, been sexually abused and who were sexually abusing other children.
The children in the study by Gilbert652 had been exposed to domestic violence exposure, and those in the study by Mishna et al.661 included children who had been exposed to domestic violence, plus children who experienced serious verbal, physical and/or sexual abuse, neglect by parents or neglect prior to international adoption by their present parents. The children in the study by Hill670 had also been subjected to physical and/or sexual abuse and neglect.
Intervention
The length of treatment varied with each intervention and population but in three of the studies, the therapy could last up to 2 years.661,669,670 The weekly group art therapy reported in the Gilbert652 study ran for 8 weeks.
In the study by Bannister and Gallagher668 the treatment could last up to 8 months, although one child withdrew from treatment after 6 weeks, and, at the time of the study, some children were still receiving treatment.
Two interventions were based around creative activity.652,668 The play therapy interventions described in the studies by Hill670 and Mishna et al.661 also involved parents. Burgon669 helped to deliver an equine-assisted therapeutic intervention.
The intervention in the Bannister and Gallagher668 study drew on art, play and drama therapy techniques, and included an educative–behavioural intervention to treat offending behaviour; carers were involved as much as possible in the treatment. Two of the six children were seen for 3 months, purely for assessment, but the authors regarded assessment as intrinsically therapeutic.
Acceptability
None of these five652,661,668–670 studies has anything relevant to say about treatment engagement or completion. Hill670 notes that ‘gate-keeping’ was an issue when trying to access children’s views in his research and feels that children’s voices were not adequately represented.
Children’s views
The ethnographic study of equine-assisted therapy by Burgon669 presented some data on children’s experiences of this therapeutic approach. Working as practitioner–observer, Burgon669 identified some positive feedback from the seven children with whom she worked, interpreting these experiences as empowering for them. One young person expressed this as follows: ‘[the horse] kind of made me feel like, you know, I’m the queen of the world kind of thing because I was higher up’669 (p .171). Another child described how she learnt to deal with feelings of anger because she knew that she had to be calm around the horses in case she frightened them. Two other participants demonstrated how trying something new had helped them explore new opportunities with the confidence that they had gained from riding horses. These young people had gone on to begin training in an equine-related career.
Using written feedback from the final meeting of an art therapy group housed in a women’s refuge, Gilbert652 gives positive examples of some children’s experiences, but the data are sparse and it is difficult to draw any conclusions about either acceptability or effectiveness for this group of children who had witnesses domestic violence. She notes that the children raised multiple issues of concern through the weekly art tasks, suggesting that the children were comfortable about doing this and that such group work might provide a fruitful platform for therapeutic work. Unfortunately, this was not the purpose of the group, and no information is provided that addresses the group’s effectiveness, which Gilbert652 acknowledges as a significant gap.
Bannister and Gallagher668 report mostly positive views of the intervention but one child had found it difficult to discuss the abuse and felt that the intervention had not helped their own abuse to stop.
Caregivers’ views
The art therapy for child witnesses of domestic violence was timed to coincide with their mothers attending a therapy session (which meant that babysitters were not required). From a practical point of view, carers thought that this was helpful.651
Hill’s670 study of parent–therapist interactions highlighted the importance of therapists thinking carefully about the parents’ needs, when and how it is appropriate to involve them in therapy, and when not, and the skills required to do so effectively. One parent described how betrayed she felt following the sexual abuse of her child, and how this had impacted negatively on her trust of all professionals. The ability to follow the parent’s lead at the start of the therapy was identified as important by one therapist, and Hill670 refers to this as ‘interactional expertise’ – valuing the expertise of others and combining it with professional expertise. It is also clear from Hill’s paper670 that parents also needed to be ‘taught’ how to engage with therapy and to recognise that they were part of the therapeutic process too.
Tensions were clear in the study by Mishna et al.,661 who reported that it took parents some time to develop a relationship with the play therapists working with their children, typically around 1 year. The parents in this study661 had a history of school failure, and were reluctant to engage with parent/teacher consultations; building a relationship with therapists who were school based was considered important in re-engaging the parents in a relationship with the school community.
In the study by Bannister and Gallagher,668 caregivers observed improved behaviour, but this was not sustained in all cases. No acceptability data per se were obtained from carers or children.
Staff views
Burgon669 described positive interactions with young people using horses as a means of initially communicating with them, with a shared goal of riding the horse safely and with enjoyment. She documented the growing confidence of the young people, who were very withdrawn at the start of the therapy, arguing that the children developed empathy and a strong bond with the animals with which they were involved.
The therapist delivering the art therapy intervention in the study by Gilbert652 expressed frustration about the fluctuating membership of her group, with only two children regularly attending the group over an 8-week period. This is perhaps because it was an add-on intervention that was timed to coincide with the maternal therapy group.
The therapists in Hill’s670 study viewed parents as generally supportive, but in need of advice and support in how to deal with the complex difficulties that are associated with sexual abuse. Feelings of guilt and blame are common in parents of sexually abused children, and the therapists in this study670 described how they worked to develop parent confidence in their own parenting skills. Only three fathers were involved in this study,670 but the therapists interviewed described how they took a proactive approach in involving them in their child’s therapy.
Therapists in the study by Mishna et al.661 identified some practical considerations. Staff agreed that delivering the play therapy intervention within a school setting facilitated the development of rapport with teachers and school administration staff, which was felt to be important to facilitate treatment. Further work was required to develop relationships with parents. During the first year, therapists reported difficulties with parents, which might be attributable to feelings of mistrust and guilt (e.g. as described by Hill670) or reluctance to deal with the school environment. Therapists describe how learning to engage and build trust with the parent ‘typically took up to a full year before regular contact and a degree of trust was established’ (p. 79).661 There was also evidence of relationship strain between therapists and the teaching staff, which took time to resolve. Teachers valued therapist input into classroom behaviour management and also appreciated knowing more about the child’s family life. More experienced therapists were able to develop a more effective relationship with teaching staff, which, in turn, helped teachers to develop some empathy for the child’s family situation.
Summary: acceptability of activity-based interventions
There are surprisingly few studies of the acceptability of this group of interventions, which, almost by definition, are designed to be attractive to children and young people. Possibly their acceptability is taken for granted. No study of the effectiveness of these interventions incorporated any data that were relevant to any dimension of acceptability, and the evidence base is also rather weak (see Chapter 4). The limited data available within these five studies (Table 25) suggest that children are amenable to engaging in these types of therapy (although we know nothing about those who decline). The most helpful data relate to the important issue of how therapists relate to parents about their involvement in their child’s therapy, emphasising the importance of establishing rapport and being inclusive rather than exclusive about the content of therapy. The study by Mishna et al.661 raises the possibility about the potential use of schools as settings for therapy, but no more than this. It does remind one of how difficult it can be for parents, who may themselves have had difficult experiences with education, to find liaison with teachers. Given the impact of maltreatment on children’s educational progress, this is an important issue that is too rarely addressed.
Studies of general relevance
Three653–655 studies focused on issues relating to children and families receiving a range of services (Table 26).
Description of studies
Study design
All three653–655 studies analysed factors associated with treatment engagement and completion.
Sample sizes
Kolverola et al.653 analysed the records of 118 children and their caregivers.
Risser and Schewe655 collected data on 1365 children (and their caregivers) for whom services were sought from one of 12 sites between 2001 and 2010.
Murphy et al.654 used data on 928 youth from the National Child Traumatic Stress Network (NCTNS) Core Data Set (CDS).
Participants included children from birth to age 21 years who received assessment and treatment services from one of 56 community sites between 2004 and 2010.
Location
All of the interventions were USA based.
Participants
The participants in the study by Murphy et al.654 had suffered physical as well as sexual abuse. In the Koverola et al.653 study the children had been referred to outpatients with a history of intrafamilial violence, and those in the Risser and Schewe655 study had been exposed to violence, including domestic violence. Ethnicity was reported in all studies, with the majority being white American.
Acceptability
Quantitative analysis was undertaken to examine the direct and indirect associations among physical and sexual trauma, child PTSD symptomology and treatment completion in Murphy et al.654 The data reported in the study by Koverola et al.653 were collected through an archival chart review process. Data contained in the charts were drawn from comprehensive assessment protocols completed by the child and his/her primary caregiver, referral forms, progress notes and discharge summaries. Risser and Schewe655 examined factors associated with treatment engagement and child outcome. No data are available on children’s views.
Characteristics of treatment completers
Murphy et al.654 concluded that neither physical nor sexual trauma was directly related to the probability of treatment completion. Indirect associations were found: physical trauma was associated with hyperarousal, but hyperarousal did not predict treatment completion. Sexual trauma was significantly associated with higher avoidance symptoms, which, in turn, were associated with lower likelihood of treatment completion. Sexual trauma was also associated significantly with overall PTSD symptoms, which, in turn, were associated with treatment completion at a marginally significant level.
In the study by Risser and Schewe,655 children were categorised into groups based on whether or not they attended any therapy session after the intake, terminated prematurely from therapy or completed treatment. Results demonstrated that child emotional and behavioural problems at intake, general parent stress and income did not differ by treatment engagement. Type of violence exposure, parent–child stress and race differed by category of treatment engagement. Children exposed to both domestic violence and child abuse demonstrated higher rates of treatment completion and attended more sessions than children exposed to either domestic violence or child abuse. Caregivers with higher levels of parent–child stress were more likely to engage in treatment. White children in the full sample completed treatment at higher rates than minority children.
Koverola et al.653 found no differences in children’s race, gender or caregivers’ gender by treatment attrition type; 60.5% of the sample were legally mandated to participate in treatment, but whether treatment was court mandated or voluntary was not associated with a likelihood of engaging in, or completing, treatment [χ2(2) = 0.1; p = 0.95].
There were some baseline differences in compliers, dropouts and non-engagers in Koverola et al.653 The mean age in the three groups was significantly different [F(2,116) = 4.0; p = 0.02]. Non-engagers were older than both attriters and compliers (M = 11.1, 9.5 and 8.0 years). Attriters were more likely to be in the family of origin than non-engagers or compliers. Families referred for child abuse in this study were also more likely to comply with treatment than those who were referred for domestic violence (67% vs. 33%, respectively) [χ2(2) = 5.6; p = 0.06]. There were very few differences found among caregivers of attriters, completers and non-engagers. Caregivers’ self-reports revealed that caregivers of completers do not experience significantly higher levels of social support and daily stress than caregivers of attriters or non-engagers (F = 0.5; p = 0.63; F = 0.7; p = 0.52). In addition, they do not report higher levels of internalising or externalising behaviour problems or post-traumatic symptoms in their children (F = 0.5; p = 0.59; F = 2.9; p = 0.05; F = 1.8; p = 0.17). Differences were found in relation to psychological distress and parental distress. Caregivers reporting high child-related parental distress [F(2,32) = 3.9; p = 0.03] and high psychological distress [F(2,70) = 3.3; p = 0.04) were least likely to engage in treatment. No differences were found with regard to children’s self-report of post-traumatic symptoms or cognitive functioning (F = 0.3; p = 0.71; F = 0.7; p = 0.49). When treatment modality was examined, findings revealed that families were more likely to complete treatment successfully if they received multimodal treatment relative to individual or family-only treatment [χ2(2) = 7.6; p = 0.01].
Caregivers’ views
The majority of the mothers interviewed by Koverola et al.653 were reluctant to discuss the abuse because of fear that it had not happened. Some also felt vulnerable because of how therapists perceived their reactions – they either felt overprotective or too careless that abuse had happened. Most expressed positive opinions about treatment and felt that they understood their children better, had new ideas about possible solutions and valued the contributions made by the team.
Staff views
Conflicts associated with alleged abuse had been reduced in n = 20 cases in the study by Koverola et al.653 Alleged perpetrators who had engaged in therapy expressed relief being able to talk about it in a non-judgemental setting. Those who did not view the intervention positively felt that mothers had formed a coalition with the therapist.
Summary
We consider the relevance of these data in the concluding section of this chapter.
Summary: key messages about acceptability
Insofar as the evidence permits, we have summarised data on the acceptability of particular kinds of treatment above. In this final section, we consider overall messages from the evidence presented above.
What the studies said
The included studies approached acceptability in a number of ways. Some framed it in terms of client satisfaction, often using questionnaires that required respondents (usually caregivers) to answer by scoring statements on a Likert scale, representing views from ‘not at all (satisfied)’ to ‘completely (satisfied)’. Typically, they covered issues such as the respondent’s relationship with the therapist, the perceived relevance of the therapy and the perceived helpfulness of the therapy and therapist. But, of course, this measures acceptability only for those who accept services. Findings from these studies tell us nothing about how acceptable a service or therapy is to those who have not taken up the offer. Did they not accept help because the help on offer was not something they saw as relevant, or otherwise acceptable to them? Or was it for other reasons, such as an inability to travel to the service, to secure time off work or because someone else stopped them attending? Few studies have investigated the reasons why maltreated children and their carers decline services.
Engaging with therapy is often deemed to be an implicit marker of acceptability, and dropping out of therapy an implicit marker of dissatisfaction or unacceptability. Again, without asking them, one cannot be sure why people drop out of therapy or other kinds of help, and relatively few studies present such information, if indeed they obtained it. Furthermore, engagement [and disengagement (or ‘dropout’)] are defined in different ways. Often, in the studies we reviewed, researchers excluded from the final analyses all of those who did not receive a certain ‘dose’ of therapy. Although this might make sense from the point of view of assessing impact, it leaves unanswered questions about why some people complete therapy and others leave early. Is it because the therapy is not helping, or is it because the client feels better and in no further need of help? Or is it for reasons unconnected with the therapy? And do those who drop out of this therapy continue without further support or do they seek it, and accept it, elsewhere?
In controlled studies of the effectiveness of psychosocial interventions, concerns about group equivalence is often the driving force behind those that document reasons for dropout. Researchers are concerned to identify any evidence of differential dropout between the intervention and comparison groups, and any evidence to suggest that the reasons for dropout are attributable to factors associated with a particular intervention or study arm, both of which might confound the results of the study. Rarely, however, do the lists of reasons include attitudes towards the therapy. Rather, they concentrate on factors such as moving placement, lost contact, refusal, all of which – from the point of view of acceptability – raise more questions than they answer.
Examining dropout in controlled effectiveness studies is further complicated because it is often difficult to disinter the effect of the interventions offered from those of participating in the study, that is, are the demands of therapy unacceptable or the demands of the study design? This may be particularly true of randomised trials, for which potential participants may hope to be randomised to receive (or not receive) the intervention, and opt with their feet when allocated to the unwanted arm of the study. This is one reason why uncontrolled studies are helpful in exploring acceptability.
Definitions matter
The studies in this review examined the phenomena of treatment engagement, dropout and completion using differing definitions, ranging from percentage of client-attended sessions to ‘last appointment missed’. This needs to be borne in mind when considering their results, as variations in definition impact on the apparent evidence base relating to the prevalence and predictors of attrition.756
In addition to the inherent heterogeneity across studies (in relation to location, samples, settings, staff profiles, factors explored, etc.), differential approaches to defining core concepts make it particularly challenging to synthesise the findings of the included studies.
Treatment completion and dropout
How one conceptualises treatment completion dictates how one defines premature treatment termination or dropout. This, in turn, can change the answers that research studies provide to questions about treatment acceptability. Even defining completion is not straightforward. Some researchers define it in terms of attending all sessions. Although one cannot assume that full attendance is equivalent to engaging with treatment (turning up at a lecture is not synonymous with listening or learning), it may be a reasonable indicator that someone is finding therapy helpful or expecting it to be helpful. It may indicate that someone is probably an active participant, although this may not be a reasonable assumption for children who might have no choice. In contrast, defining lack of success as lack of engagement is, at best, tautologous. Timmer et al.656 provide an example of the problem. In this study656 of PCIT, parents were considered to have completed treatment once they:
- had met the mastery criteria for the relationship enhancement element of the programme
- could demonstrate compliance commands from their children
- could successfully implement a discipline procedure, and
- could show maintenance of skills that they had acquired in the first phase of the programme.
In this study,756 failure to comply with all of these tasks was categorised as early termination, but this was essentially synonymous with programme effectiveness, thereby stacking the odds in favour of a positive result for the efficacy of the treatment being assessed.
Some studies define completion in terms of ‘dosage’, by calculating the average number of sessions attended and setting a minimum threshold. Theoretically, this is often argued on the basis of evidence from earlier studies suggesting that a minimum level of exposure is necessary for a certain intervention to have an effect.757 So, for example, Laan et al.671 defined premature termination of intensive foster care placement as those placements that ended within 2 years of inclusion within the intensive fostering service. In this case, the authors acknowledge that this is ‘something of an arbitrary criterion’, based on the belief that fostering can postpone a residential placement and postponement of at least 2 years is deemed a success. The children in this study757 were predominantly learning disabled children, the remainder having serious physical impairments or health problems. All were in out-of-home placements as a result of maltreatment or inadequate parenting. Yet others use definitions such as ‘termination with therapist approval or mutual agreement’. Some might see these definitions of completion as a source of bias. Taken as a whole, these factors probably account for some of the contradictory messages that appear across studies, but perhaps make some of the consistent messages more important.
Although no intervention can demonstrate 100% effectiveness, the odds of success should arguably not be estimated without consideration of the factors that cause those it is designed to help to decline or drop out early. The reasons for both might reflect factors that are only indirectly linked to the intervention (relationship with therapist, service setting, time of day) but are important to know and understand.
Treatment engagement
Almost no study addressed the issue of treatment engagement, which is also subject to various definitions, some of which can run the risk of being used almost interchangeably with treatment success, that is, failure is explained in terms of failure to engage, when – in some circumstances at least – engagement might be a function of service or therapist attitude and behaviour.
Engagement can be used to refer to a variety of closely related things. Most usually it refers to someone’s commitment to the therapeutic process and active participation in it. As Cunningham et al.649 point out, it is ‘related to other concepts such as readiness to change, rapport, motivation, working alliance, and collaboration and compliance’ (p. 64). As such, measures of engagement (the focus of this study) have looked variously at clients’ motivation for, and expectations about, treatment; the client–therapist relationship; and client behaviour within therapy.
Expectations of treatment may act as facilitators or barriers to participation in treatment, for example believing that treatment will – or will not – be helpful, recognising the need for treatment compared with failing to see a problem to be resolved.
On the basis of the wider therapeutic literature, establishing rapport with the therapist or with care staff is probably a necessary prerequisite of achieving therapeutic change, but it may present particular challenges with reluctant, ambivalent or involuntary clients. Cunningham et al.649 noted that engagement by young people in the RTCs they studied required continual effort because the process of engagement was unstable and required constant ‘refreshing’. Few studies in this review of psychosocial interventions gave much attention to this aspect of effective interventions, with only a handful referring (in passing) to strategies such as motivational interviewing, and none to the wider challenges of engaging young people in therapeutic interventions.
What the study by Cunningham et al.649 emphasises is the importance of professionals thinking theoretically and strategically about what they need to do to facilitate engagement, and how this might vary with context (service setting, timing, voluntary/compulsory and therapy type) and indeed, influence service outcomes. For the population of seriously maltreated children, engagement may require particular thought and care, given the fracturing of trust and the damaged ability to form relationships that is so much a feature of these young people’s lives.
Key themes
We first consider some of the findings from the studies that were designed to explore issues of engagement and treatment exposure. We then summarise some of the key themes to emerge from our thematic analysis of all included acceptability studies, recognising that these need to be considered in light of the issues discussed above. The studies discussed in this section are illustrative – further detail can be found in the relevant sections dealing with intervention groups. As indicated above, studies that used data from key stakeholders typically gathered information from parents or other caregivers and therapists, rather than children themselves. However, parent and therapist reports of experiences raised a number of issues that could clearly impact on a child’s engagement or retention in therapy.
Keeping the first appointment
Many children who require help do not receive it because they are not referred for appropriate services (see Chapter 6). It is also the case, however, that significant numbers of those referred for therapy do not avail themselves of it.
The study by Haskett et al.657 was one of a few studies that were concerned specifically with understanding the reasons why children referred for treatment following abuse failed to keep their first scheduled therapy session. This early American study of referrals for children who had been sexually abused found that ethnicity (African American) was significantly associated with failure to attend, together with whether or not the referral was to a public or private centre, whether or not clients had access to a telephone and whether or not the mother agreed that the family needed counselling. However, these factors accounted for only some 11% of the total variance between families who failed to keep that first appointment (45 out of 129) and those who turned up. This points to the importance of factors not measured in this study, such as practical obstacles, for example parental illness or forgetting appointments. Mothers who felt that the whole family could benefit from counselling were more likely to attend the first treatment session, and the authors highlight the potential significance of mediating variables that might inhibit attendance, such as failing fully to understand the abuse or feelings of guilt and self-blame.
More recently, Lippert et al.648 undertook a study of the factors differentiating those families who decline therapy from those who initiate therapy. In this study,648 46% of families of sexually abused children who were referred over a 6-month period did not commence therapy within 2 months. In addition to measures of child behaviour, family functioning, data from child protection service records and information provided by caregivers, this study648 also used semistructured interviews to explore caregivers’ support networks; their perceptions of, and relationship with, the child; and perceptions of therapy. Analyses of the administrative data indicated only two significant variables, namely the child’s ethnicity and neglectful supervision by the mother. The odds of entry to therapy were just over two times greater for non-black children than for black children (p < 0.099) and just under 14 times greater for children whose mothers were accused of neglectful supervision (p < 0.01). Caregivers from both groups reported low levels of child problem behaviours as measured by the ECBI,311 but those who declined therapy had lower scores on the SFI,747 indicating higher functioning. Interview data suggest that mothers who declined therapy were possibly less child centred than those who attended, that is, ‘decliners’ more often talked about ‘going places’ as what they enjoy doing with their children, in contrast to ‘attenders’, who more often talked about playing with the child, talking, singing or engaging in other activities, such as reading or doing homework. Although most caregivers (80%) initially saw the relevance of therapy, the authors hypothesise that ‘those who decline child therapy may overlook its emotional benefits’, as these caregivers less frequently described therapy in terms of emotional help or change (p. 866). Perceived barriers to therapy identified by caregivers were practical ones, such as location (see below). Although neither of these studies648,657 was conducted in the UK, both indicate the importance of addressing sociocultural factors, such as class and ethnicity.
In the study by Koverola et al.,653 caregivers who, at intake, reported high levels of stress related to the caregiver role (as opposed to general stress) and high levels of psychological distress were least likely to keep the first therapy appointment after assessment. In this study,653 concerned with children with a history of intrafamilial violence, the majority of participants (61%) were legally compelled to attend, but this was neither associated with a likelihood of engaging in, or completing, treatment. Few studies found any impact of mandatory, compared with voluntary, referral on subsequent engagement or attendance.
Starting but not finishing
Of those who start treatment, significant numbers cease attending before therapy is scheduled to end. We identified a number of studies that specifically explored factors associated with dropout from therapy, and a number that undertook post hoc explorations of those children who dropped out of therapy in the course of the effectiveness study (see above). These studies simultaneously explored the factors associated with retention. Studies that explored treatment dropout or retention did so in very different ways, making it difficult to draw generalisable conclusions. This general problem is exacerbated by the fact that most of these studies have been conducted outside the UK, most usually in the USA.
Among the factors reported by individual studies or groups of studies are those in four key domains: (1) sociodemographic variables (age, ethnicity, family status); (2) maltreatment variables (age at onset, duration and severity); (3) child symptomatology/psychopathology (depression, PTSD, behaviour problems); and (4) family functioning/caregiver attributes or involvement. Typically, these were explored in relation to children who have experienced one kind therapy (e.g. CBT) or one kind of maltreatment (e.g. sexual abuse).
Correlates of treatment engagement and attrition
An early study647 used regression analyses to investigate factors associated with the amount of therapy (unspecified) received by 81 girls who had been sexually abused (primarily by male family members). Horowitz et al.647 found that earlier onset of abuse predicted more sessions of therapy, and more disturbance was associated with more treatment. Non-minority ethnic status also appeared to be associated with increased treatment, but this failed to approach significance once age at onset was added to the equation. Around 33% of the variance in total numbers of sessions attended could be explained by variables from three of the above domains, namely age at onset, number of types of sexual abuse (severity) and child depression.
The authors noted that their study647 was biased towards families who had engaged with therapy, most of whom were recruited through Child Protection Services and who may have felt that they had little choice about attending. Bearing that in mind their findings raise some interesting issues, both for researchers and for clinicians. They speculate that the significance of children’s abuse history may be attributable to therapists’ expectations that children who are more seriously abused require more sessions, or indirectly from the ways in which their abuse influences their behaviour and affect. Although children’s views were not sought, their parents reported a general pattern of initial reluctance or hostility towards therapy, which became more positive as therapy got under way, something reported in other studies. This may reflect children’s initial fearfulness or anxiety when faced with something unknown to them, and which attenuates as they establish a relationship with the therapist. In this study, the same pattern was noted by the children’s therapists. In contrast, parents may initially see treatment as something to be welcomed but subsequently feel threatened by the child’s developing relationship with the therapist and the issues that therapy might raise within the family. From a research perspective, the authors noted that, in contrast to other studies of treatment dropouts, ‘family functioning’ did not appear to be correlated with length of time and treatment. They suggest that researchers may be assessing different family characteristics using the same general term, and that multiple measures of family functioning would be useful in helping to identify which families are at risk of dropping out, and how this might be prevented.
Other studies identify maltreatment severity as predictive of treatment completion. In Boisvert 2008,658 higher dropout (those completing fewer than 15 sessions) was associated with higher levels of sexual abuse impact, behavioural difficulties, social difficulties and delinquency. There were no family characteristic differences identified between treatment completers and non-completers. In Chasson 2013,630 children who had been abused by an adult figure, had been physically injured, and had been subjected to more than one event, were more likely to complete treatment. Even if true of all studies or interventions, knowing these associations is not sufficient to enable one to know what steps to take to enhance treatment completion.
Two631,634 studies report correlations between the child and/or caregiver’s age and treatment completion, although it is worth noting that the study by Cross et al.634 is primarily a report of study retention rather than treatment retention, and it is particularly difficult to disinter the relative effect of study requirements. Eslinger et al.631 found that as caregivers’ age increased by 1 year, the likelihood that both child and caregiver would fully complete treatment increased by 11%, whereas the chance of completing treatment decreased by 80% as the child’s age increased by 1 year. Similar findings were reported by Cross et al.,634 who found that older caregivers were more likely to continue with treatment, but that the older the child was, the less likely they were to engage in treatment (see also the study by Koverola et al.653).
In a study633 comprising a retrospective chart review of a sample of children referred for TF-CBT following sexual abuse, only 254 of 490 referred for therapy (52%) started treatment and only 98 (38% of the 254) completed therapy. The authors found no evidence that ethnicity, severity and duration of abuse, SES or placement in foster care influenced use of therapy, which the authors attribute to agency factors, for example a sliding scale of payment, accepting all insurance plans and an integrated model of assessment and treatment. What was significant was whether or not the caregiver themselves participated in counselling services, either individual therapy or FT. When this happened, the young person was more likely successfully to complete the recommended therapy. The authors attributed this to the fact that non-offending caregivers often have mental health problems that negatively impact on family functioning in ways that can interfere with treatment completion. In this agency, the psychosocial assessment was designed to identify such risk factors and, when identified, referral was made for the caregiver. When these carers ‘bought in’ to therapy, they believed that this was associated with enhanced motivation to continue with counselling (for the child) and provide them with important support. Of course, it may also be simply that parents who received help for the negative impact of sexual abuse on themselves were more able to provide adequate care and attention to the child. The bottom line is that in this study,633 48% families referred to this agency did not start treatment and, of those who did, 62% did not complete therapy. Another 532 families were referred to other services, but the study collected no data on service engagement for these families. The evidence about parental involvement resonates with a trend in the review of effectiveness studies – that parental involvement is associated with better outcomes.
Ambivalence about the value of therapy
Parents whose children are referred for therapy following maltreatment may be apprehensive for a number of reasons. Non-offending parents may feel guilty at having failed to protect their child, and may be fearful of how they will be viewed by others. Those implicated in maltreatment may be even more trepidatious, anticipating censure. All parents may be concerned about what their child will share with the therapist, and how this might influence their relationship with their son or daughter. A number of studies have confirmed the importance of these, and other issues that matter to parents, which, if unaddressed, may prevent engagement with therapy, lead to premature termination or undermine its effectiveness. Few studies explored these issues, and none did so with respect to the interventions that appear most promising from the point of view of effectiveness. Here are some examples.
In a study of the involvement of parents in their children’s play therapy (seen primarily through the eyes of therapists), Hill670 notes that some parents expressed an initial lack of trust in the professionals and concludes that rapport and trust is something that the therapist needs explicitly to address. One mother described her experience as a parent of a sexually and physically abused child receiving play therapy as follows.
You are going through such emotional upheaval that you don’t trust anyone. And there are definitely some real difficulties with some professionals. You need honesty . . . you need to be sure that they will be open with you.
Hill 2009, p. 1670
Therapists decided whether or not mothers should be involved in the child’s therapy, sometimes deciding against it because of problems in the mother–child relationship. Clearly, communicating those decisions to mothers in ways that do not result in them withdrawing the child from therapy is a complex business. The guilt that mothers may experience may lead them to imagine that professionals are developing very negative assessments of their parenting, even when therapists are saying otherwise:
I felt so bad about myself that I thought they must be thinking the same thing even if they were smiling nicely. I think I was very frightened.
Mother; Hill 2009, p. 390670
Hill670 also found that, for some mothers, relief at securing help may result in a metaphorical ‘handing over of responsibility’ to the therapist, when their involvement is essential to securing a good outcome. In Hill’s study,670 involving fathers presented particular challenges. There were only three fathers in his small sample, none of whom had much to do with therapy. The singleton father who became involved did so because the therapist conveyed a clear expectation that he should be there, rather than leaving it as an open invitation.
Scott677 used in-depth interviews to explore the views of a small group of parents (n = 10) whose children were receiving counselling. Twelve of the 17 children in these families had been sexually abused. Parents expressed mixed views about the value of talking about painful feelings. Some worried about their children having to relive traumatic experiences in therapy, whereas others felt that this process was helpful. Scott677 highlights the importance of managing parents’ expectations, as some parents clearly had quite unrealistic expectations. For example, some parents expected particular changes in children’s behaviour as a result of therapy and were frustrated and disappointed when these did not occur. Typical concerns described by parents included the following.
- Some parents had high levels of anxiety, but felt unable to discuss these with the therapist because they were unaware of what was being discussed with their child.
- As discussed previously, issues of parental guilt that the abuse had been able to happen – once this issue was addressed, it became easier to talk about.
- Some parents felt ambivalent about the therapist’s ‘authority’; counselling for some families was compulsory once social services were involved, and they felt that things were taken out of their control.
- Parents also reported being distanced from the criminal justice process; once legal action was taken, it was important for parents to be briefed about any progress on this front.
Similar concerns about ‘wanting to know what was happening’ in the therapy were reported by De Luca et al.170 and Grayston and De Luca171 Parents interviewed by De Luca et al.170 wanted more feedback from therapists about their child’s group therapy, and would have welcomed the opportunity to observe treatment and receive regular updates by phone. Half of those surveyed in the study by Grayston and De Luca171 said that more feedback would have been helpful.
Tjersland et al.673 reported how vulnerable some parents felt, worried that the therapist would think they were too overprotective or too careless that abuse had been allowed to happen.
Where parents had clear expectations of treatment, satisfaction levels were higher. Parents who felt part of the therapeutic team or part of the treatment process experienced less tension with the team.629 Evidence from studies of the effectiveness of cognitive–behavioural studies confirm the value of parental involvement.
Addressing the needs of caregivers
There is some evidence that caregiver distress is correlated with treatment attrition and that, if this is addressed, children are more likely to complete therapy. For example, Koverola et al.653 conducted an exploratory study examining the association between attrition and retention and (1) demographic and referral characteristics; (2) child functioning; and (3) caregiver functioning. The sample included 118 children, aged 4–17 years, referred for treatment of child abuse and/or exposure to domestic violence. They classified children into three distinct groups: those who failed to engage with treatment at all (n = 24; 20%); those who started but failed to complete treatment (n = 19; 16%); and those who completed treatment (defined as those who were ‘compliant with treatment and who completed their recommended course of treatment’653 p. 26). The 75 children who completed treatment completed between 1 and 55 sessions (median eight sessions). Data were collected through an archival chart review. The only factors that predicted treatment completion were high levels of child externalising behaviour and receipt of multimodal treatment, rather than individual or family-only treatment. In this agency, all children and their caregivers received one of three treatment modalities: IT for both child and caregiver, FT or multimodal therapy. Multimodal therapy included individual therapy and FT, and family advocacy services, aimed at helping families deal with practical issues such as court orders, housing, financial assistance, job training and school resources. Essentially, the family advocate worked with families and community agencies to ensure that nothing prevented the family from engaging in treatment. This included providing in-home services during crises. The authors hypothesise that high levels of externalising behaviour may essentially ensure that the child’s voice is heard and may generate more concern from parents, teachers and indeed juvenile justice agencies. Conversely, the authors suggest that caregivers (and others) may underestimate the adverse consequences of internalising or PTSD symptoms, and that it might be important to provide psychoeducation regarding the importance of intervention for such children, even when their symptoms do not interfere with day-to-day life. Similarly, using multinomial logistic regression, Eslinger et al.631 were able to predict whether a family would complete treatment, receive a ‘moderate dose’ or drop out early, using the variables age of child, age of caregiver, child’s baseline score for externalising behaviour (CBCL297,349) and child’s baseline maximum post-traumatic stress score (TSCCA325). Older caregivers with younger children were more likely to complete treatment, and older caregivers who identified higher ratings of post-traumatic stress and externalising behaviour were more likely to receive a moderate dose.
Many of the qualitative studies canvassing the views of caregivers stressed the importance of speaking to other parents with similar crises in their own families, and the strength they could draw on sharing these similar experiences, knowing that they were not alone (see, for example, the studies by Powell and Cheshire662 and Costa et al.678):
I always find it very helpful to meet other mums who’ve been through this. You automatically kind of feel like you belong. It is a terribly isolating experience, and though you may have friends you can talk to, they don’t really understand the true horror or the system or what you’ve been through.
Powell 2010 (reproduced with permission), p. 149662
On a rather different note, Mishna et al.661 described difficulty in forming alliances between the teacher and therapist, and between the therapist and parent, in a play therapy intervention based in a school. These difficulties took up to a year to resolve, but once the needs of the parents were considered as part of the therapeutic process, relationships improved – one therapist described their thoughts, thus:
I started realising that something had to shift in my relationship with this parent and I think it shifted because I was able to hold her in my mind as well as him.
Mishna 2012, p. 79661
Talking to therapists
It is clear that a good relationship between a young person and therapist will benefit treatment. However, respondents in the included studies reported mixed experiences of the client–therapist relationship. Some participants reported difficulties with this relationship, which required significant investment, and some considered that therapists were too analytical and not adequately child focused. Children valued the personality characteristics of therapists highly, whereas parents were more interested in evidence of appropriate qualifications.
A number of children and young people were initially resistant towards therapy and found it difficult to articulate their feelings and talk about what had happened to them (see, for example, Haight 2010175). One child in the study by Sudbery et al.663 put it like this:
Having to talk to people about your problems. Having to share your feelings with them as well, which brings out a lot. I don’t like doing talking about stuff when they want you to talk about it, it feels sad. It really upsets me, scares me.
Sudbery 2010, p. 1543663
The respondents in this study663 had spent time in residential care and were being interviewed some years later. Young people in the study conducted by Nelson-Gardell638 also said how difficult they had found it to talk about their abuse but that doing so was helpful.
In the study by San Diego et al.,680 there was some suggestion that children may have had low treatment expectations, and felt that therapy would not help them. If this is a problem (and the young people in our advisory groups identified it as an issue) then it is something that could be improved by placing a greater emphasis on preparation for treatment. However, no study appears to have explored the treatment expectations of maltreated children.
For children and young people living in a therapeutic care setting, the issue of acceptability is perhaps more complex. Although by no means always the case, young people in therapeutic residential care are often not there by choice, and the (often very troubled) experiences that lead to their placement make it extremely difficult for them to engage with care staff or those offering a specific therapeutic service. One UK study666 interviewed 16 young people who had previously lived in a therapeutic children’s home. These former residents were almost certainly not a representative sample but they were generally positive about their experiences. They valued the relationships with staff, and many of the leisure and therapeutic activities provided during their time in the home. Here too, some respondents commented on the length of time it took to build up trust with staff but, having done so, their ongoing contact with them remained important. Only one interviewee expressed a different view, pointing to something that goes to the heart of the adverse consequences of severe maltreatment and the challenges facing those providing substitute care and therapy.
. . . in care, you are craving this kind of love but you never really get it . . . The one thing you need most is to feel genuinely loved. You never quite got that.
Gallagher 2012, p. 440666
Four641–643,645 studies examined young people’s gender preference for their counsellor. Most female participants expressed a preference for a female counsellor pre treatment; however, in those studies641–643,645 that measured preferences post treatment, gender appeared to matter less. One643 study presented evidence that female counsellors verbalised more than their male counterparts but concluded that gender did not play a significant factor in treating girls. Another study645 suggested that the type of questions asked (specifically sexual abuse-focused ones) was more important than counsellor gender. Young people in one of our advisory group consultations said that they thought gender might not matter per se, but that a young person might wish to talk to someone of a different gender than the person who had maltreated them – again, choice being important.
Children in foster and adoptive placements
Eslinger et al.631 found that children in foster care were more likely to complete treatment than those living with biological or adoptive parents, perhaps because of the degree of external scrutiny by social workers of these children and their progress. As Koverola et al.653 observe, in order to ensure that children attend therapy, there needs to be at least one caregiver who is sufficiently motivated to take them (or ensure that they are taken) and possibly to participate in treatment. In violent families, there may be no-one able or willing to do this, and this may be true of families in which children are presenting with other forms of maltreatment. However, not all studies found such a clear relationship between treatment completion and living with foster carers.
In a UK study conducted by Staines et al.,667 the research team investigated the supports and services provided to children and their foster carers by one IFA. Children placed in IFAs are typically particularly challenging, and IFAs make much of the additional support they provide to parents compared with those foster carers registered with the local authority. This IFA described its approach to fostering as inherently therapeutic and, although recognising the importance of individual therapeutic work, IFA therapists focus their attention on ‘helping to create ‘therapeutic placements’ through the application of their particular skills in assessment and consultation to carers and staff’667 (p. 319). In this broad definition of therapy (seen as the impact of the whole organisation on the young person), foster carers have a formally recognised role as members of the therapeutic parenting team. The approach seemed to address concerns often expressed by foster carers that they are not adequately informed about the child or what is happening, not consulted, and excluded from therapeutic work.
The parenting team was seen to be an essential part of the information-sharing/decision-making process and many carers commented on the inclusive and respectful nature of the team: ‘We are always discussing things together and we all make decisions on how to meet the child’s needs. We always feel equal.’
Staines 2010 (reproduced with permission), p. 8667
Providing foster care for children with a challenging placement profile, the majority of whom displayed difficult behaviour, this approach contributed to providing stable and successful placements, with 77% of foster parents feeling the placement was going ‘very well’ after 12 months. Almost all (97%) foster carers felt that they were a valued member of the team and that their opinions mattered, although the authors suggest that this is perhaps more reflective of the experience of independent foster agencies rather than local authority-led foster care.
Other barriers to treatment engagement and completion
A variety of practical obstacles can conspire to prevent children accessing therapy or benefiting from it. The physical environment – in terms of location and quality of meeting space – was raised in a small number of studies. Other practical considerations, such as transport costs, child-care facilities or expenses, were also reported.
Lippert et al.648 examined the reasons given for non-participation (46%) in a sample of 101 children who were referred for psychotherapy following CSA. Reasons for declining included some factors we have already discussed, but also covered some important practical obstacles: work conflict (50%); inaccessible venue (40%); child was symptom free (15%); caregiver was busy (15%); and caregiver wanted to forget about abuse or let their child forget (15%).
The mothers of sexually abused children in the study of FT reported by Costa et al.678 identified financial constraints as a barrier to support – particularly viewed in the context of primary earner perpetrators (fathers) being removed from the home.
The young people surveyed in the study by Kolko et al.644 were perceived to be highly motivated to participate in services, and the children themselves reported moderate ratings about the need to address child and family goals during treatment. They identified parent factors as the largest obstacles to participating in therapy, selecting reasons such as ‘parent was too busy to attend’ and ‘parent does not think counselling will help’. Clearly, this is relevant to the issue of accessibility of therapy for some young people. Although caregiver ratings were generally similar to those of the children, they assigned higher ratings to the severity of family problems and the importance of targeting child behaviour and competencies as treatment goals. Commenting on the limited number of children who were offered IT in this study, Kolko et al.644 hypothesise that this may reflect caseworkers’ perceptions that family or parent services are more important for the improvement of children’s adjustment, partly as a result of the risk assessment tool used by caseworkers. They suggest that, in this agency, some children who probably required services to address specific abuse sequelae or risk factors associated with their own behaviour did not receive it.
Children in the Tjersland et al.673 study talked about other issues that made them reluctant to discuss their abuse, including having been threatened by the abuser; being afraid of telling their mother; and being concerned that that they would not be believed. Nelson-Gardell638 reported that ‘being believed’ by someone was considered by the sexually abused girls she interviewed as the thing that mattered most to them, experiencing it as intrinsically therapeutic.
Woodworth533 highlights the problem of staff turnover. In this study,533 as part of a move to be more cost-effective, college interns were used to provide therapy. Although keeping costs down, one unintended consequence is the increased risk, for some children, that the departure of someone with whom they had begun to develop a therapeutic bond may have a detrimental effect.
Summary
The studies
Understanding what makes a therapy acceptable is complex. The immense heterogeneity in those (relatively few) studies that have sought to ascertain what factors encourage people to seek therapy, to accept an offer of therapy, to actively engage with therapy and to ‘stick with’ therapy’ means that few unequivocally clear answers are to be found. The different ways of defining engagement, completion and attrition make synthesising the data very challenging, but this variation may be indicative of the need to take a more nuanced approach to thinking about attrition.
Chasson et al.482 point out that treatment is not static and neither is symptom severity (and possibly other factors that influence engagement). In their study,482 which explored the predictive value for dropout (from exposure-based CBT) of trauma-related symptom severity, they found that baseline symptom severity failed to predict dropout. In contrast, symptom severity measured just before termination was significantly associated with the number of attended sessions, and higher severity of depression, measured just before termination, was correlated with fewer treatment sessions, that is, immediate distress may be a trigger for dropping out of treatment. The implication for therapists working with children with mental disorders is that monitoring those factors that might impact on future attendance on a session-by-session basis could possibly help to prevent premature termination. This might be particularly relevant for exposure-based psychological interventions.
Synergies with the views of young people
Some of the studies focused on issues that mattered to the young people in our advisory group, and some of the findings resonate with their concerns. For example, their concern that some children might be deterred from seeking help because they felt their situation too complicated or too serious for anybody to be able to help with is in keeping with findings that severity of abuse is an important factor in differentiating those who start (and complete) therapy from those who do not. The studies note the connection, but generally do little more than speculate about the mechanism of effect. It is possible that caregivers, as well as children, may have doubts about the ability of therapy to ‘fix’ what they may regard as ‘unfixable’.
The pivotal role that parents and other caregivers play in ensuring the availability of therapy to young people, particularly younger children, was also recognised as an issue in our consultations, and was mirrored in the findings from the included studies. Some young people identified parents as a potential barrier to accessing therapy. Younger children are particularly dependent on having someone reliable and willing to get them to the therapist, but even older children may be unable to avail of therapy if their parent objects, for whatever reason.
Only one of the studies included in this review mentioned the importance of being believed, but the concern about not being believed was a very significant issue for some of the young people with whom we talked.
Issues of confidentiality and trust appear not to have been systematically examined in studies of therapy for maltreated children. It is possible that both researchers and therapists take this for granted, and it is difficult to say how widespread a concern this might be for young people, but it perhaps merits more attention, from therapists if not researchers.
Given the limited resources available in children’s mental health services, it is perhaps unsurprising that no study examined the issue of choice, but the potential benefits of involving children in discussions of therapy is something that young people identified as one way of enhancing engagement in therapy and might therefore be worth exploring further. Several studies talk about the process of therapy, and the considerable anxiety that some children experience at the outset. The suggestions made by the young people may help to alleviate these concerns for some children.
- Introduction
- Overview of included studies
- Defining acceptability
- Cognitive–behavioural interventions
- Relationship-based interventions
- Attachment-based interventions
- Systemic interventions
- Psychoeducation
- Group work with children
- Counselling/psychotherapy interventions
- Peer mentoring
- Intensive service models
- Activity-based therapies
- Studies of general relevance
- Summary: key messages about acceptability
- Key themes
- Summary
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